The Lloyd Family

Charles Lloyd

Father: Thomas Lloyd

Mother: Mary (Shepherd) Lloyd

Death: returning from India

Sources:

Charlotte (Lloyd) Evans

Baptism: 3 February 1746/7 (OS/NS), in Wrexham, Denbighshire, Wales

Father: Thomas Lloyd

Mother: Mary (Shepherd) Lloyd

Married: Maurice Evans on 2 November 1767, in Wrexham, Denbighshire, Wales

Children:
Notes:
Charlotte was almost a surrogate mother to Samuel Taylor Coleridge, who was at school with her son Thomas and fell in love with her daughter Mary. Coleridge, whose father had died, was not close to his mother who lived in Devon, and he spent a lot of time at the Evans's home in Villiers Street, London, close to the school, as well as when he moved on to Cambridge. In Life of Coleridge p28 (1838), James Gillman quotes Coleridge as saying that her "son, I, as upper boy, had protected, and who therefore looked up to me, and taught me what it was to have a mother. I loved her as such. She had three daughters, and of course I fell in love with the eldest."

In a letter to his brother on 24 January 1792 (Letters of Samuel Taylor Coleridge vol 1 pp23-4 ed. Ernest Coleridge, 1895), Samuel writes that:
...my own corporealities are in a state of better health, than I ever recollect them to be. This indeed I owe in great measure to the care of Mrs. Evans, with whom I spent a fortnight at Christmas: the relaxation from study coǒperating with the cheerfulness and attention, which I met there proved very potently medicinal. I have indeed experienced from her a tenderness scarcely inferior to the solicitude of maternal affection.


A number of letters written by Samuel Taylor Coleridge to Charlotte while he was at Cambridge have been preserved in Letters of Samuel Taylor Coleridge (ed. Ernest Hartley Coleridge, 1895). The first contains a poem "To Disappointment", written specially for Charlotte regarding her upcoming visit to Wales:
Letters of Samuel Taylor Coleridge vol 1 pp26-30:
February 13, 1792.
   MY VERY DEAR, - What word shall I add sufficiently expressive of the warmth which I feel? You covet to be near my heart. Believe me, that you and my sister have the very first row in the front box of my heart's little theatre - and - God knows! you are not crowded. There, my dear spectators! you shall see what you shall see - Farce, Comedy, and Tragedy - my laughter, my cheerfulness, and my melancholy. A thousand figures pass before you, shifting in perpetual succession; these are my joys and my sorrows, my hopes and my fears, my good tempers and my peevishness: you will, however, observe two that remain unalterably fixed, and these are love and gratitude. In short, my dear Mrs. Evans, my whole heart shall be laid open like any sheep's heart; my virtues, if I have any, shall not be more exposed to your view than my weaknesses. Indeed, I am of opinion that foibles are the cement of affection, and that, however we may admire a perfect character, we are seldom inclined to love and praise those whom we cannot sometimes blame. Come, ladies! will you take your seats in this play-house? Fool that I am! Are you not already there? Believe me, you are!
  I am extremely anxious to be informed concerning your health. Have you not felt the kindly influence of this more than vernal weather, as well as the good effects of your own recommenced regularity? I would I could transmit you a little of my superfluous good health! I am indeed at present most wonderfully well, and if I continue so, I may soon be mistaken for one of your very children: at least, in clearness of complexion and rosiness of cheek I am no contemptible likeness of them, though that ugly arrangement of features with which nature has distinguished me will, I fear, long stand in the way of such honorable assimilation. You accuse me of evading the bet, and imagine that my silence proceeded from a consciousness of the charge. But you are mistaken. I not only read your letter first, but, on my sincerity! I felt no inclination to do otherwise; and I am confident, that if Mary had happened to have stood by me and had seen me take up her letter in preference to her mother's, with all that ease and energy which she can so gracefully exert upon proper occasions, she would have lifted up her beautiful little leg, and kicked me round the room. Had Anne indeed favoured me with a few lines, I confess I should have seized hold of them before either of your letters; but then this would have arisen from my love of novelty, and not from any deficiency in filial respect. So much for your bet!
  You can scarcely conceive what uneasiness poor Tom's accident has occasioned me; in everything that relates to him I feel solicitude truly fraternal. Be particular concerning him in your next. I was going to write him an half angry letter for the long intermission of his correspondence; but I must change it to a consolatory one. You mention not a word of Bessy. Think you I do not love her?
  And so, my dear Mrs. Evans, you are to take your Welsh journey in May? Now may the Goddess of Health, the rosy-cheeked goddess that blows the breeze from the Cambrian mountains, renovate that dear old lady, and make her young again! I always loved that old lady's looks. Yet do not flatter yourselves, that you shall take this journey tête-à-tête. You will have an unseen companion at your side, one who will attend you in your jaunt, who will be present at your arrival; one whose heart will melt with unutterable tenderness at your maternal transports, who will climb the Welsh hills with you, who will feel himself happy in knowing you to be so. In short, as St. Paul says, though absent in body, I shall be present in mind. Disappointment? You must not, you shall not be disappointed; and if a poetical invocation can help you to drive off that ugly foe to happiness here it is for you.


     TO DISAPPOINTMENT.
  Hence! thou fiend of gloomy sway,
Thou lov'st on withering blast to ride
O'er fond Illusion's air-built pride.
  Sullen Spirit! Hence! Away!

  Where Avarice lurks in sordid cell,
Or mad Ambition builds the dream,
Or Pleasure plots th' unholy scheme
  There with Guilt and Folly dwell!

  But oh! when Hope on Wisdom's wing
Prophetic whispers pure delight,
Be distant far thy cank'rous blight,
  Demon of envenom'd sting.

  Then haste thee, Nymph of balmy gales!
Thy poet's prayer, sweet May! attend!
Oh! place my parent and my friend
  'Mid her lovely native vales.

  Peace, that lists the woodlark's strains,
Health, that breathes divinest treasures,
Laughing Hours, and Social Pleasures
  Wait my friend in Cambria's plains.

  Affection there with mingled ray
Shall pour at once the raptures high
Of filial and maternal Joy;
  Haste thee then, delightful May!

  And oh! may Spring's fair flowerets fade,
May Summer cease her limbs to lave
In cooling stream, may Autumn grave
  Yellow o'er the corn-cloath'd glade;

  Ere, from sweet retirement torn,
She seek again the crowded mart:
Nor thou, my selfish selfish heart
  Dare her slow return to mourn!

  In what part of the country is my dear Anne to be? Mary must and shall be with you. I want to know all your summer residences, that I may be on that very spot with all of you. It is not improbable that I may steal down from Cambridge about the beginning of April just to look at you, that when I see you again in autumn I may know how many years younger the Welsh air has made you. I shall go into Devonshire on the 21st of May, unless my good fortune in a particular affair should detain me till the 4th of June.
 I lately received the thanks of the College for a declamation I spoke in public; indeed, I meet with the most pointed marks of respect, which as I neither flatter nor fiddle, I suppose to be sincere. I write these things not from vanity, but because I know they will please you.
 I intend to leave off suppers, and two or three other little unnecessaries, and in conjunction with Caldwell hire a garden for the summer. It will be nice exercise - your advice. La! it will be so charming to walk out in one's own garding, and sit and drink tea in an arbour, and pick pretty nosegays. To plant and transplant, and be dirty and amused! Then to look with contempt on your Londoners with your mock gardens and your smoky windows, making a beggarly show of withered flowers stuck in pint pots, and quart pots, menacing the heads of the passengers below.
  Now suppose I conclude something in the manner with which Mary concludes all her letters to me, "Believe me your sincere friend," and dutiful humble servant to command!
  Now I do hate that way of concluding a letter. 'T is as dry as a stick, as stiff as a poker, and as cold as a cucumber. It is not half so good as my old
          God bless you
                   and
               Your affectionately grateful
                                        S.T. COLERIDGE


Letters of Samuel Taylor Coleridge vol 1 pp39-41:
February 22 [1792].
   DEAR MADAM, - The incongruity of the dates in these letters you will immediately perceive. The truth is that I had written the foregoing heap of nothingness six or seven days ago, but I was prevented from sending it by a variety of disagreeable little impediments.
  Mr Massy must be arrived in Cambridge by this time; but to call on an utter stranger just arrived with so trivial a message as yours and his uncle's love to him, when I myself had been in Cambridge five or six weeks, would appear rather awkward, not to say ludicrous. If, however, I meet him at any wine party (which is by no means improbable) I shall take the opportunity of mentioning it en passant. As to Mr. M.'s debts, the most intimate friends in college are perfect strangers to each other's affairs; consequently it is little likely that I should procure any information of this kind.
  I hope and trust that neither yourself nor my sisters have experienced any ill effects from this wonderful change of weather. A very slight cold is the only favour with which it has honoured me. I feel myself apprehensive for all of you, but more particularly for Anne, whose frame I think most susceptible of cold.
  Yesterday a Frenchman came dancing into my room, of which he made but three steps, and presented me with a card. I had scarcely collected, by glancing my eye over it, that he was a tooth-monger, before he seized hold of my muzzle, and, baring my teeth (as they do a horse's, in order to know his age), he exclaimed, as if in violent agitation: "Mon Dieu! Monsieur, all your teeth will fall out in a day or two, unless you permit me the honour of scaling them!" This ineffable piece of assurance discovered such a genius for impudence, that I could not suffer it to go unrewarded. So, after a hearty laugh, I sat down, and let the rascal chouse me out of half a guinea by scraping my grinders - the more readily, indeed, as I recollected the great penchant which all your family have for delicate teeth.
  So (I hear) Allen will be most precipitately emancipated. Good luck have thou of thy emancipation, Bobbee! Tell him from me that if he does not kick Richards' fame out of doors by the superiority of his own, I will never forgive him.
  If you will send me a box of Mr Stringer's tooth powder, mamma! we will accept of it.
  And now, Right Reverend Mother in God, let me claim your permission to subscribe myself with all observance and gratitude, your most obedient humble servant, and lowly slave,
               SAMUEL TAYLOR COLERIDGE,
    Reverend in the future tense, and scholar of Jesus College in the present time.

Letters of Samuel Taylor Coleridge vol 1 pp45-47:
February 5, 1793.
   MY DEAR MRS. EVANS, - This is the third day of my resurrection from the couch, or rather, the sofa of sickness. About a fortnight ago, a quantity of matter took it into its head to form in my left gum, and was attended with such violent pain, inflammation, and swelling, that it threw me into a fever. However, God be praised, my gum has at last been opened, a villainous tooth extracted, and all is well. I am still very weak, as well I may, since for seven days together I was incapable of swallowing anything but spoon meat, so that in point of spirits I am but the dregs of my former self - a decaying flame agonizing in the snuff of a tallow candle - a kind of hobgoblin, clouted and bagged up in the most contemptible shreds, rags, and yellow relics of threadbare mortality. The event of our examination was such as surpassed my expectations, and perfectly accorded with my wishes. After a very severe trial of six days' continuance, the number of the competitors was reduced from seventeen to four, and after a further process of ordeal we, the survivors, were declared equal each to the other, and the Scholarship, according to the will of its founder, awarded to the youngest of us, who was found to be a Mr. Butler of St John's College. I am just two months older than he is, and though I would doubtless have rather had it myself, I am yet not at all sorry at his success; for he is sensible and unassuming, and besides, from his circumstances, such an accession to his annual income must have been very acceptable to him. So much for myself.
  I am greatly rejoiced at your brother's recovery; in proportion, indeed, to the anxiety and fears I felt on your account during his illness. I recollected, my most dear Mrs. Evans, that you are frequently troubled with a strange forgetfulness of yourself, and too apt to go far beyond your strength, if by any means you may alleviate the sufferings of others. Ah! how different from the majority of others whom we courteously dignify with the name of human - a vile herd, who sit still in the severest distresses of their friends, and cry out, There is a lion in the way! animals, who walk with leaden sandals in the paths of charity, yet to gratify their own inclinations will run a mile in a breath. Oh! I do know a set of little, dirty, pimping, petty-fogging, ambidextrous fellows, who would set your house on fire, though it were but to roast an egg for themselves! Yet surely, considering it were a selfish view, the pleasures that arise from whispering peace to those who are in trouble, and healing the broken in heart, are far superior to all the unfeeling can enjoy.
  I have inclosed a little work of that great and good man Archdeacon Paley; it is entitled Motives of Contentment, addressed to the poorer part of our fellow men. The twelfth page I particularly admire, and the twentieth. The reasoning has been of some service to me, who am of the race of the Grumbletonians. My dear friend Allen has a resource against most misfortunes in the natural gaiety of his temper, whereas my hypochondriac, gloomy spirit amid blessings too frequently warbles out the hoarse gruntings of discontent! Nor have all the lectures that divines and philosophers have given us for these three thousand years past, on the vanity of riches, and the cares of greatness, etc., prevented me from sincerely regretting that Nature had not put it into the head of some rich man to beget me for his first-born, whereas now I am likely to get bread just when I shall have no teeth left to chew it. Cheer up, my little one (thus I answer I)! better late than never. Hath literature been thy choice, and hast thou food and raiment? Be thankful, be amazed at thy good fortune! Art thou dissatisfied and desirous of other things? Go, and make twelve votes at an election; it shall do thee more service and procure thee greater preferment than to have made twelve commentaries on the twelve prophets. My dear Mrs. Evans! excuse the wanderings of my castle building imagination. I have not a thought which I conceal from you. I write to others, but my pen talks to you. Convey my softest affections to Betty, and believe me,
                  Your grateful and affectionate boy,
                                               S.T. COLERIDGE.


Addresses:

1792: York House, Villiers Street, London (Collected Letters of Samuel Taylor Coleridge vol 1 1785-1800 p32)

Sources:

Christopher Lloyd

Father: William Lloyd

Mother: Kitty Alderson (Lever) Lloyd

Notes: Landed Gentry of Great Britain and Ireland (Burke, 1850) p207 notes that Christopher died young. He presumably was born and died before the birth of his brother Christopher Alderson Lloyd in 1790.

Sources:

Christopher Alderson (Lloyd) Alderson

Birth: 29 September 1790

Baptism: 14 May 1793, in St Stephen, Coleman Street, London, England

Father: William Lloyd

Mother: Kitty Alderson (Lever) Lloyd

Married: Fanny Greig
In the 1841 census, Christopher and Fanny's son, William, is staying at Tulloch, Kilmonivaig, Inverness-shire, at the home of a Robert Greig, farmer, aged 50. Quite possibly this Robert was Fanny's father.

Children: Death: 13 December 1845, in Brighton, Sussex, England, aged 54
The Gentleman's Magazine vol 179  p109 (Sylvanus Urban, 1846)
OBITUARY
SUSSEX
Dec. 13.  At Brighton, aged 54, Christopher Alderson Alderson, esq. of the Five Houses, Clapton.


Notes:
Christopher entered the East India Company's Army in 1809 as an officer cadet. 

In accordance with the will of his great-uncle Christopher Alderson, who died in 1810, Christopher Alderson Lloyd changed his name by Royal license, 11 June 1812, to Christopher Alderson Alderson. Christopher's arms reflected a mixture of his Lloyd and Alderson ancestry:
(CHRISTOPHER ALDERSON ALDERSON, of Homerton, Middlesex, Esq., who, by sign manual 1812, changed his patronymic LLOYD for the name of ALDERSON only).
ARMS:..Argent three saracens' heads affrontee couped at the shoulders proper wreathed about the temples of the first and sable quartering azure three boars' heads couped in pale or, for LLOYD.
CRESTS:..A dove, holding in the beak an olive branch proper, for ALDERSON; and a boars' head couped or, for LLOYD.


Addresses:
1845: Five Houses, Clapton, Hackney, Middlesex (death notice of son Robert, see also British History online)

Sources:

Elizabeth Lloyd

Baptism: 31 May 1745, in Wrexham, Denbighshire, Wales

Father: Thomas Lloyd

Mother: Mary (Shepherd) Lloyd

Death: 1797

Sources:

Elizabeth Lloyd

Birth: 7 May 1789

Baptism: 8 June 1789, in St Martin Ludgate, London, England

Father: William Lloyd

Mother: Kitty Alderson (Lever) Lloyd

Notes:
Elizabeth is not mentioned in the will of her great-uncle Christopher Alderson in 1810, although four of her siblings are named in the will, and so it is likely that she died before 1810.

Sources:

Emma (Lloyd) Plumbe

Birth: 27 January 1798

Baptism: 26 February 1798, in St. Lawrence Jewry and St Mary Magdalene, Milk Street, London, England

Father: William Lloyd

Mother: Kitty Alderson (Lever) Lloyd

Married: Samuel Plumbe on 26 January 1824 in Old Church, St Pancras, London, England
The New Monthly Magazine 1 April 1824 p183
Marriages.
At St. Pancras, S. Plumbe, esq. of Russell-street, to Miss Emma Lloyd.


Children: Sources:

Kitty Alderson (Lloyd) Charretie

Birth: 2 February 1793

Baptism: 14 May 1793, in St Stephen, Coleman Street, London, England

Father: William Lloyd

Mother: Kitty Alderson (Lever) Lloyd

Married: John Charretie on 1 June 1816, in Hackney, Middlesex, England
At the time of their marriage, Kitty was of Upper Homerton, Middlesex, and John was of Gt Coram St, Middlesex.
Bells Weekly Messenger (London, Middlesex) 9 June 1816
On Saturday, at Hackney, Capt. Charretie, second son of Philip Charretie, of Brunswick-square, Esq. to Miss Lloyd, of Upper Homerton.

John was born in 1787/8, the son of Philip Charretie. He was an officer in the maritime service of the East India Company, reaching the rank of commander but his career was marked by poor judgement and bad luck. In six voyages as an officer in the H.E.I.C., John managed to be captured twice by French warships, have a ship catch fire, burn and sink with substantial loss of life, and be subject to a Court of Enquiry regarding his conduct to marines on his ship and lose over £20,000 in investments. John was eventually convicted of corruption and sent to prison in 1849.

John started the sea life with two voyages to the West Indies in ships belonging to members of his family - his father owned property in the West Indies. He joined the service of the East India company as fifth mate of the Elphinstone on 18 January 1806, being discharged 5 July 1807, then made a second voyage as fourth mate on the Europe, starting on 20 January 1808.
  The Europe departed the Hooghly River in West Bengal on 2 May 1809, laden with hundreds of thousands of pounds' worth of silk. Originally she was part of a larger convoy, guarded by the HMS Victor and consisting of five Indiamen and several smaller vessels. but on 24 May a storm divided the convoy and three Indiamen, the Streatham, Europe and Lord Keith were left on their own. The Indiamen were not unprotected: each one was large and powerfully built and carried a number of cannon. Streatham and Europe weighed over 800 tons each and carried 30 cannon, whereas the smaller Lord Keith was 600 tons and carried 12 guns. The three sails were spotted by the French frigate, Caroline, commanded by Jean-Baptiste-Henri Féretier at 5:30 am on 31 May 1809. The British ships, under the loose command of John Dale in Streatham, originally mistook the French frigate for the missing Victor and it was not until another half hour had passed that Dale realised the danger his ships were in. Ordering the Indiamen to form a line of battle, Dale placed his ship in the centre, with the small Lord Keith ahead and Europe behind. However, the lack of naval experience on the British ships resulted in the Indiamen sailing too far from one another in line, thus leaving them unable to provide effective mutual support. Able to attack the HEIC ships individually, Caroline pulled alongside Europe at 06:30 and began a heavy fire into the merchant ship, which intermittently replied with her available guns. Within 30 minutes, Europe's rigging was tattered, many of her guns dismounted and a number of her crew wounded or killed. Moving past his now disabled opponent, Féretier next attacked Streatham, which had slowed in an unsuccessful attempt to support Europe. Now alone against the frigate, Streatham came under heavy fire at 07:00 and by 08:00 was badly damaged, with casualties in her crew, her guns all dismounted and her lascars hiding below decks. With further resistance hopeless, Dale hauled down the company flag and surrendered. During the engagement between Streatham and Caroline, Lord Keith and Europe had fired sporadically at the French ship with little effect. Pulling away from his surrendered opponent, Féretier then fired on Lord Keith, whose captain, Peter Campbell, realised that his ship stood no chance against the frigate and turned eastward, running before the wind to escape despite suffering severe damage to Lord Keith's rigging as he did so. William Gelston, captain of Europe, also attempted to flee, but his battered ship was in no condition to outrun the virtually untouched frigate, and he surrendered at 10:00. Lord Keith eventually arrived safely at Penang on 9 June. Casualties on the British ships were six killed and at least four wounded, while the French lost one killed and three wounded.
  Féretier repaired his captures at sea and returned to Île de France (Mauritius), arriving two months later on 22 July. Discovering the presence of a blockading British squadron off Port Louis, Féretier diverted to Saint Paul on Île Bonaparte (Réunion). Among the goods removed from the ships were the £500,000 worth of silk, which was stored in warehouses near the docks. The crews of the Streatham and Europe, were held captive, but John, along with other officers was sent to Bengal in a cartel, a ship given neutrality for the purposes of prisoner exchanges. This is described in a letter written by John on 29 June 1835:
Correspondence between the Court of Directors and Capt. J. Charretie p12
I was sent in a cartel with other Officers, for exchange, to Bengal; and when off the Sand Heads, we fell in with Her Majesty's sloop of war Victor. The Commander, Captain Stopford, wished to gain some information as to the movements of the French ships of war, and sent his boat for an English Officer, and I was selected. We parted Company during the night, and in thirty hours, after a severe action, we were captured by the Bellonne French frigate. After a variety of suffering, I at last arrived at Bombay, and found my old ship there, having been re-taken at the capture of the Isle of France. I was appointed Third Officer, and returned to England. 

  The action in which Bellone captured the Victor occurred on 2 November 1809. John is slightly mistaken about his old ship - the Europe was actually re-taken at an action at St Paul in Île Bonaparte in September 1809, in which the Caroline, the Europe and the Streatham were all re-captured by a naval squadron under Commodore Josias Rowley, and the silk burnt in its warehouse.

  On 18 February 1812, John embarked on the Bengal as second mate, returning on 30 June 1813, and took a second voyage on the Bengal, this time as chief mate, leaving England on 24 January 1814, but disaster struck again and on 19 January 1815, the Bengal caught fire in the roads of Point de Galle, near Colombo, Ceylon and, in less than an hour, blew up and sank with the loss of twenty-three lives..
The Asiatic Journal and Monthly Miscellany Jan-July 1816 p88
  Feb. 10. The ship Greyhound, from Madras, brings the distressing intelligence of the total loss of the hon. company's late ship Bengal, by fire, in the roads of Point de Galle, in the island of Ceylon.
  23. The official report of the destruction of the hon. company's ship Bengal by fire, has been published at this Presidency. The Bengal had on board, in her magazine, at the time of the fire, forty barrels of gunpower; and the flames spread with such rapidity, that she must have inevitably blown up before the greater part of her crew were removed, but for the fortunate circumstance of the powder being secured in patent copper cases, owing to which the explosion did not take place until after the ship had sunk.—There were many women and children, belonging to the invalids from Madras, on board the Bengal; all of whom were sent off before the people finally abandoned her.—Capt. Beatle of the Surrey, was for some time in imminent danger, and had nearly shared the same fate with Capt. Newell;—he was at last obliged to throw himself from one of the anchors into the sea, but was fortunately picked up by a man of war's boat. A gentleman who remained on board until after the females and children had been removed, thus describes his escape:—
  “I now prepared to leave the ship, and could not get away for a long time, as no boat would come near us, the guns being shotted, and the fire raging on the gun-deck. At length, with the loss of my shoes and hat, I got into the Bengal's boat, and went under her quarter, to try to scuttle her. There, however, we were even more uncomfortably situated than on board, as a gun was just staring us in the face, at the distance of about two yards, with the cabin about it, and the gun-carriage itself, on fire. At length, our boat got so full of people, that I jumped into another along-side, and thence into a country canoe, which pushed off from the ship just as the stern exploded, from the saltpetre catching fire in the hold. I had hardly got on board the nearest ship (the Astell) when the masts, yards, sails, &c. of the Bengal, in short the whole ship, was in a blaze; and very soon after she sunk.”
The Sydney Gazette and New South Wales Advertiser 15 July 1815 p2
  The Asiatic Mirror of Feb. 22, contains a melancholy account of the loss by fire of the Honourable Company's ship Bengal, Captain Nicholls, in the Roads of Point de Galle, on the 19th of February; in which a number of lives were lost ; among whom it had been already ascertained were Lieut. Daniels, of His Majesty's ship Malacca, and Mr. Loane, Master; Captain Newell, of the extra ship Alexander, and several other officers of ships; 2 seamen, and 5 invalids; all of whom fell victims to their own humane exertions in preserving the lives of those on board when the ship took fire. Capt. Beadle, of the Surry, had a very narrow escape from the flames, which in an hour penetrated to the powder magazine, which exploded, and the ship sunk; —and no effort of generous intrepidity was ever more bravely or happily exemplified than in the instance of Mr. Scott, the Provincial Judge of Galle; who had remained on board exerting his influence to the last, in directing the assistance of the shore boats. The boats had all quitted the ship when he was discovered by one of the natives standing to the fore chains, with a child in each arm, and which were preserved by him from impending destruction at the imminent hazard of his own safety.

John was appointed to remain on the scene to look after such property as could be recovered and claimed in later depositions, that he recovered "a sum not far short of £10,000", including masts, yards, spars and cargo. The aftermath of the fire was described by a visiting clergyman:
A Narrative of the Establishment and Progress of the Mission to Ceylon and India p232 (William Martin Harvard, 1823)
  In the way from Mr Clough's house to the Fort, our attention was arrested by the great quantities of cloth, and other merchandize, together with large pieces of half-consumed timber, masts and spars, which were scattered along the beach. They formed part of the materials and cargo of the Bengal Indiaman, of 1,200 tons burthen, which a short time before our arrival, took fire when on the eve of sailing, and was, with a most valuable cargo, totally destroyed. The ship was crowded with cabin and steerage passengers: among the latter was a number of invalid soldiers; several of whom met death in this most terrific form. Most of the surviving passengers and officers afterwards embarked in the Arniston, and perished with Lord and Lady Molesworth on the South African coast.

  Following his salvage duty, John made a poor investment in a ship and cargo which he sailed back to England, where he failed to sell the ship and had to return to Bengal and buy a smaller ship to return to England. He describes this in a letter written on 9 June 1834:
Correspondence between the Court of Directors and Capt. J. Charretie pp5-6
  I then proceeded to Bengal, where, after a residence of a few months, my friends considered it would be better for me to go home in command of a ship, than as a passenger. Through the friendship of Messrs. Alexander & Co., I was enabled to purchase a ship of 800 tons, and invested considerable property in her for trade. I am grieved to say that my speculations failed, and that I was a loser of near £10,000; to add to my distress, ships were at a very low ebb in the market, and I was driven to take her back to India, when she was sold, and I purchased a small ship to come to England in, with the full intention of resuming my rank in the Honourable Company's Service.
  During my absence (in consequence of the deterioration of West-India property), my father had lost nearly £1,500 per annum, so that he was unable at that time to make me further advances. I was, therefore, obliged to lay upon my oars until my father had sufficiently recovered himself to make me a further advance. In 1825 I procured the command of the Honourable Company's ship Bombay for as many regular voyages as she might perform. 

  John was commander of the Bombay on two voyages, the first departing on 26 April 1825 to China and discharging on 11 July 1826, and the second command starting on 24 February 1827 and sailing on 9 March for Madras and China. On this voyage John had a dispute with some member of the military who were being transported on the Bombay. The likely had something to do with a court martial resulting from a complaint filed by Captain Charretie against an ensign in the Royal Regiment of Foot for striking one of his cadets. The ensign was found guilty but given a nominal sentence, apparently due to the provocation he had received. In Madras, a Court of Enquiry was held regarding Charretie's conduct toward the military on the voyage, but he was honourably acquitted. The Bombay discharged in England on 18 May 1828
Correspondence between the Court of Directors and Capt. J. Charretie p16
  The Committee considered the conduct of Captain Charretie, Commander of the “Bombay,” in deviating from his orders and instructions during his late voyage.
  The Committee being of opinion that some of the complaints appeared to be of that serious nature as to require a very attentive investigation,— Agreed, that the consideration of the said Collection of Papers be postponed, and that Captain Charretie's future eligibility stand over until after the result of the Committee's investigation. 

John's eligibility was restored on 25 February 1829. Nonetheless, this was his last command in the H.E.I.C., which was undergoing a period of uncertainty due to changes to its Charter, and opportunities for ships were dwindling. In 1833, the Government of India act divested the H.E.I.C. of all its commercial functions. In winding these down, the H.E.I.C. established a lifetime pension for eligible officers, but John missed out by a hair on the eligibility requirements. In 1834, John began a long series of appeals to be included in the pension which was finally turned down by the Court of Directors in 1840. The correspondence was published in 1842 as Correspondence between the Court of Directors and Captain John Charretie, on the subject of his claim for compensation as a Commander in the Maritime service of the East India Company: and between the Court of Directors and the Board of Commissioners for the affairs of India upon the same subject, and gives us an interesting picture of John's life in the service of the H.E.I.C.

In 1838, John's first wife, Kitty, died. Kitty had a £300 per annum annuity, but on her death without issue this reverted, according to her marriage settlement, to her sister, and John was left destitute, and renewing his appeals for a pension. On 14 August 1841, John married Anna Maria Kennell in Old Church, St Pancras, Middlesex. Anna Maria was to become a distinguished minature and oil painter, exhibiting at the Royal Academy. On 23 March 1842, a further appeal to the General Court of Proprietors of East India Stock was supported by Sir David Solomons M.P. and was successful in procuring John the lifetime pension of £200 per annum. In 1857, John presented a portrait of David Solomons by Miss Pearson to "the Lady of David Solomons, M.P., Esq., for the disinterested exertions in favour of Captain Charretie's claim to maritime compensation".

In 1846 John became involved in another ill-judged scheme, this time joining the Flores expedition in which the former president of Ecuador was attempting to overthrow the existing Ecuadorean government, with the encouragement of Spain
. John was to "Admiral" of a fleet of three ships purchased by the expedition, but the scheme was discovered by the British government and the three ships were seized, including John's flag ship, the former Indiaman Glenelg. During the seizure hearings, John claimed to have purchased the Glenelg personally but it is unclear if this was true, or a front to try to prevent the seizure.
South Australian (Adelaide) 6 April 1847 p6
     ENGLAND AND COLOMBIA.-THE FOREIGN ENLISTMENT ACT.
THE bold movement of General Flores, in December, and its prompt suppression, so far as England is concerned, by the British authorities, has so much in it of the romance of history, that we need not apologise for devoting rather a large space to the details. The Escuador, it will be remembered, occupies, the S. W. portion of Colombia, and is a very large province, stretching from 4° N. to a little below 6° S. It abuts easterly on the Brazils, and has from five to six degrees of sea frontage to the Pacific. It boasts the chief range of the Andes, with Chimbrazo for its centre, possesses the tale-honored city of Quito, and the harbor of Guayaquil, than which none superior could be desired by a great naval power. In the Escuador, also, are some of the principal sources of the leviathan Amazon. We follow the London papers of the latest date, and shall watch for such news as may be brought us by other arrivals.
The "Colonial Gazette'" of December 5th, says :—
   Crowds were attracted on Saturday to Blackwall, by the arrival of the ''Glenelg," the flag ship of General Flores, having on board his staff of commissioned officers for his intended invasion of the Escuador, which, with two war steamers, was seized by Mr Forsayth, the principal officer of the customs, by order of the Lords of the Treasury, under the Equipment and Enlistment Art, on the ground that they were fitted for the purposes of hostilities against a foreign power. The "Glenelg" was towed up by two steam tugs, and is moored at the buoys off Blackwall Pier. The steamers are lyiug in the East India Dock, all under the surveillance of Mr Forsayth and his staff of Custom house officers. They excited considerable curiosity from their peculiar equipment and waslike appearance. There are on board the flag ship about 250 emigrants, or enlisted soldiers, many of whom have been most severely ill-treated and imprisoned in the vessel. Amongst the commissioned officers on board, we may mention, were—Sir James Bay, Sir G. Ogilvie, Captain Harvey Tucket (late of the Thirteenth Hussars), Colonel Wright, Captain Beggs, Capt. Sley, Mr M'Lean (Major), and Capt. Hay.
   The rumors in the Spanish papers, relative to the desertion and mutiny amongst the followers of General Flores appears to be incorrect. The General had arrived with a large force at Santander, and was only waiting the arrival of the ships from England to embark for South America.
  The Lords of the Treasury condemned the "Glenelg" and the two steamers ("Monarch and "Neptune"). The following extracts will bring up information to its latest point, and we shall, no doubt, have more of this rather mysterious matter before long. It is worthy notice, that the Spanish Sovereign—for she and her Government stand by no means clear of the imputation—may contemplate, under circumstances rather similar to those of the Braganza dynasty, an occupation of a distant portion of the empire to secure an asylum in case of need for herself. To proceed, however, to our extracts :
  The Lords of the Treasury having now directed the legal condemnation of the "Glenelg", (Indiaman), and "Monarch" and "Neptune" (steam ships), which were intended to take part in the proposed expedition of General Flores to the Ecuador, the following particulars relating to the contemplated invasion have been obtained:
   In the early part of June, the Directors of the General Steam Navigation Company were applied to for the sale of two of their powerful steamers, and eventually two were disposed of to the parties applying, viz., the "Monarch" steam ship, which had been running between Leith and London, and the "Neptune" trading between Hamburgh and the Thames. At about the same time, application was made from the same quarter to Mr Green, the owner of the "Glenelg," which was then lying up in the East India Docks, for its purchase, which was also effected. The purchase money was promptly paid, and they were consigned to a Capt. Charretie, who formerly was a marine captain in the East India Company's service. Their complete repair was immediately proceeded with, the utmost expedition being observed in getting them ready for sea. They were represented to be for foreign service, and it was stated that the "Glenelg" would be used as an emigrant ship. The unusual description of work for the merchant service mentioned in the shipwright's contract excited for some time much attention; but similar work having been done to other vessels in the dock, which were really for foreign powers, and sanctioned by the English Government, the suspicions created by the fittings of the ''Glenelg" and the steamers passed away. In a short time, however—about the beginning of September—the fact of a Colonel being in London, who had served under General Flores in Colombia, and authorised, it was said, to engage men, more particularly in Ireland, to help the Spaniards in a certain expedition, and also to grant commissions to officers with the same view, caused a revival of the suspicions as to the purpose for which the vessels were intended. By the following month, facts had transpired which greatly tended to confirm previous suppositions, and on the 20th of that month Lord Palmerston, Secretary for Foreign Affairs, received a protest in respect to the proposed expedition, signed by Baring. Brothers, & Co., and the principal firms in the city, and calling upon the noble lord to put in force the provisions of the Foreign Enlistment Act.
  A second protest was subsequently forwarded from the President of the Manchester Commercial Association, which embodied the same representations.
   The government immediately adopted measures to ascertain the accuracy of the charges contained in these protests, and several of the most active officers connected with the London Detective Police Force were employed in the proceeding. A few days' exertion sufficed to warrant the interference of Government. The principals were watched from place to place, and equipments of a most warlike character were proved to have been the object of their visits.
   The fitting out of the vessels in the East India Docks proceeded with much activity, and they were appointed to leave last Thursday. From some unexplained circumstance, the steamer did not leave on that day—the "Glenelg," however, did, and, after proceeding down the river, took up the usual moorings off Gravesend. At this juncture, it appears the Government had directed the detention of the vessel, and in the course of the evening Mr Forsayth, the principal Jerquer of the Customs, accompanied by a staff of his ofhcers, boarded and seized her under the Equipment and Enlistment Act, 59th Geo. III, c. 69, for being unlawfully equipped, without the sanction of her Majesty, for the purpose of commencing hostilities against a foreign power. There were on board, beside the ship's company, 250 young men, who seemed to have been recently in the most destitute condition. The officers who had charge of the vessel frankly admitted that those on board had enlisted to become either soldiers or marines, and that she was to touch at Corunna. To a casual observer, the vessel appeared to be fitted out as an ordinary emigrant ship, but showed that the arrangements were very rudely put together. She is a very large vessel, being 1200 tons burden. She has three decks, and certainly, in her present state, may be more properly called a transport ship than one in the emigrant trade. She is said to contain a cargo of 700 tons of coals, and consequently draws considerable water. No ammunition was found by the Government officers, but of course it is difficult to state what she may really hold until her large cargo is cleared out. Since her seizure, the Lords of tbe Treasury have ordered her return to Blackwall for that purpose. As has previously been announced, the steamers on Friday morning were seized on behalf of the Crown by Mr Forsayth and, on inspecting them, there can be no doubt of the purposes for which they were intended. They have been entirely newly rigged, and evidently calculated to carry guns of large calibre. Their exterior would cause no suspicion, but on mounting their decks the bulwarks can be easily laid level for working guns of any description.
  Since the detention of the three ships, the Lords of the Treasury have received a petition from Captain Charretie (who was eventually to be appointed Admiral of the fleet), soliciting their restitution, asserting that they were his own property, that he had fitted them out as a matter of speculation, that he intended to take them to the coast of Spain, and there to dispose of them to the best advantage to himself. The result of the application has not transpired.

The Maitland Mercury and Hunter River General Advertiser (New South Wales) 19 May 1847 p1
  THE ECUADOR EXPEDITION.
      [From the Britannia, Jan. 10.]
  At the Thames Police Court, on Tuesday, Colonel Richard Wright, consul-general of the state of Ecuador, in South America, and aid-de-camp to General Flores, surrendered before Mr. Yardley, to his bail, to answer a charge of misdemeanour, in violating the provisions of the Foreign Equipment and Enlistment Act.
  Mr. Harvey Tuckett, the informer in this case, and principal witness for the crown, gave further evidence respecting the equipment of the expedition. He stated that he went on board the Neptune and Monarch steamers, with Colonel Wright, and looked at the fittings and accommodation intended for General Flores and Captain Charitie. The latter was to be the commodore of the expedition. He remarked to Colonel Wright that the accommodations of the Monarch were very defective. The Colonel himself appeared very much annoyed, and said the accommodations were not sufficient for the men, but that, notwithstanding, he would have 100 well-disciplined Spanish soldiers on board from Corunna, as he would not entrust General Flores and himself with Captain Charitie and an English crew in such a vessel. He afterwards visited the Neptune. Both vessels were fitted up as war-steamers, the Neptune in particular. Captain Sleigh accompanied them on their visits of inspection, and he particularly remarked on the strength of the iron knees on board of the two steamers, and said they were strong enough to bear the heavy guns both vessels had to carry. It must have been about the 2nd or 3rd of November when the war steamers were visited by himself, Colonel Wright, and Captain Sleigh; at a rough guess, he should say three weeks previous to embarkation on board the Glenelg. He expressed his own conviction that the Monarch and Neptune were capable of carrying heavy guns.
  William Leith Butts deposed that he had been engaged by Colonel Wright as senior captain of the regiment, with fifty dollars a month for pay. He was informed by the colonel that the expedition was to go to the Ecuador to replace General Flores in the office of president of the republic, from which he had been ejected by an usurper named Roca. Gabriel James Maturin, lately a superintendent of police at Birmingham, and formerly a captain of lancers, gave similar evidence. He understood he was engaged to fight for the reinstatement of General Flores, as president of Ecuador.
Sir W. Ogilvie, Bart., of Strathearn-cottage, Brompton, deposed that he had been engaged as aide-de-camp to General Flores, and had gone to Limerick under the direction of Colonel Wright, to engage emigrants, who were each promised twenty-five acres of land, a milch cow, and a cottage free for ever. He had procured a large number of artisans, mechanics, carpenters, smiths, labourers, "and others of that sort."
  After some unimportant discussion the depositions were completed, and Col. Wright was liberated on giving bail, himself in £400, and two sureties in £200 each, to answer a charge of misdemeanour at the next session of the Central Criminal Court.

Shortly after this, John was in further trouble arising from an investigation into the sale of a cadetship to the East India Company that had happened a number of years previously, in 1844, but the circumstances of which had only recently come to light in 1846. He was found guilty and sentenced to a fine of £800 and a year in prison.

The Sydney Morning Herald (New South Wales) 14 April 1848 p4
  SALE OF A CADETSHIP.—THE QUEEN v. SIR W. YOUNG, CAPTAIN CHARRETIE, AND OTHERS.—The facts of this important case are briefly these:—A gentleman named Wotherspoon, a writer to the signet in Scotland, was desirous of obtaining for his son a cadetship in the East India Company's Service, and becoming acquainted with a lady of the name of Stewart, one of the defendants in the action, in 1842 or 1843, he consigned to her care the sum of £1080, through an order upon Jones Loyd and Co. By the aid of this money, through the intervention of two persons named Rallett and Trotter, she obtained an introduction to Captain Charretie, who was at that time secretary of the Asturias Mining Company, of Sir W. Young, who has been for a number of years a director in the East India Company, was chairman. The cadetship was ultimately given by that gentleman, in 1844, to young Wotherspoon. Now, by the Act 49 Geo. III., c. 126, it is declared that the being in any way concerned in obtaining a cadetship by the payment of money is a fraud and misdemeanor, and of course liable to serious punishment; and in the course of granting the appointment several certificates have to be filled up, and signed by the several parties connected with the transaction. All this was done in the appointment of young Wotherspoon. Things remained perfectly quiet as to this transaction for a long time. But in 1846, there being some proceedings against Rallett, in respect of other transactions, inquiries were made, and then it was believed that the suspicions of the directors
were not confined to this single case, but that investigations had taken place, with regard to other transactions and other persons, and that discoveries had been made likely to affect the safety of the parties concerned. Up to that moment Wotherspoon had known nothing of Charretie. The only person he had known in the transaction was Mrs. Stewart. In the month of July, 1846, he was surprised by a visit from Charretie, who introduced himself as a person through whom his son's appointment had been obtained. Charretie told him that he (Charretie) was the person through whom his son had been appointed; that some enquiries were going on in relation to that appointment, and who requested that Wotherspoon would write and ante-date a letter to Sir W. Young for the purpose of representing that an acquaintance had long before existed between them on a matter of business, respecting a person named Gordon, pretended to have run away deeply in debt to Sir W. Young. Wotherspoon refused to do this, and Charretie left him, but soon after a correspondence began between them. The affair came under the notice of the directors, and Sir W. Young was examined before the Secret Committee, and appears by the evidence to have prevaricated, and at length the prosecution ensued. The money was traced, and the shares of the several parties in the transaction were developed on the trial. The result, as our readers know, was a conviction of Captain Charretie on the first and seventh counts, or charges, as they ought rather to be called, and of Sir W. Young on the seventh only; the first charge alleges the corrupt receipt of money to procure a cadetship, and the seventh alleges conspiracy for fraudulently giving or obtaining the appointment.

The Courier (Hobart, Tasmania) 26 April 1848 p4
  The Court of Queen's Bench, sitting at Guildhall, had been occupied with the trial of Captain Charretie, Sir William Young, late a Director of the East India Company, Mrs. Anna Stewart, and a person named Rallett, for having fraudulently obtained and sold for money a cadetship in the East India Company's service. The only two defendants who appeared, Sir William Young and Captain Charretie, pleaded "Not guilty." The other defendants were out of the jurisdiction of the Court, and had not pleaded. The facts of the case are shortly these. In the year 1842, a writer to the signet named Wotherspoon, residing at Edinburgh, being desirous of procuring a military appointment for his eldest son, became acquainted with Mrs. Stewart, from whom he sought information as to the best mode of carrying out his wishes. Mrs. Stewart appears to have told Wotherspoon that a commission could be obtained by means of a considerable outlay, and in that way only. Mrs. Stewart having left Edinburgh for London, Mr. Wotherspoon shortly afterwards sent her 1,100l., to be applied in obtaining a commission. Mrs. Stewart's first efforts were unsuccessful; and after some delay she returned to Mr. Wotherspoon l,080l. In 1844, however, the negotiation was reopened, and the money was again remitted from Edinburgh. The defendant Rallett was now called in to aid the plan. Through a Mr. Trotter, he obtained an introduction to Captain Charretie, Secre- tary to the Asturias Mining Company; and through him to Sir William Young, a Director both of that Company and of the East India Company. Trotter received 50l. for his aid; and the larger portion of Wotherspoon's remittance was paid to Charretie. On parting with his money on the second occasion, Wotherspoon required from Mrs. Stewart some security that the negotiation should proceed. She accordingly sent him a letter addressed by Sir William Young to Captain Charretie, stating that he would have much pleasure in giving an appointment to young Wotherspoon in November. Accordingly, in that month the appointment was made; and the young man went out to Madras as a cadet in the December following. Everything remained quiet until 1846; but in the course of some proceedings then taken against Rallett by the East India Company in respect of other transactions, the suspicions of the Directors became roused, and a secret enquiry brought to light the sale of the cadetship to young Wotherspoon. On these facts the present proceedings were founded. For the defence, it was admitted on behalf of Captain Charretie, that he had introduced Mr. Wotherspoon to Sir William Young; but it was contended that no proof had been adduced of any connexion between Captain Charretie and Mrs. Stewart, or that Captain Charretie had received any portion of the mony. No doubt, he had done wrong in asking for the appointment without sufficient inquiry, and had most improperly endeavoured to conceal the affair. For this he must suffer in the opinion of the jury; but this error, grievous as it was, did not make out the charge now preferred. The defence raised for Sir William Young was to the same effect. Against Captain Charretie the jury found a general verdict of "Guilty;" but against Sir William Young the verdict was "Guilty on the second count of the indictment," which charged a conspiracy to obtain the appointment by sale.

New Zealand Spectator and Cook's Strait Guardian 31 October 1849 p3
  In the Court of Queen's Bench, sentence had been passed on Captain Charretie, for the offence of which he was lately convicted — that of selling an East Indian cadetship. He was found guilty on two counts. On the first he was sentenced to be imprisoned one year in the Queen's Prison, and on the second count to be imprisoned for the same year ; and in addition he is to pay £800 to the Queen, and be imprisoned so long as he does not pay it. He is to be placed among misdemeanants of the first class.

Further details of the trial and legal issues arising from it can be found in The English Reports vol 116 pp1333-1340 and The Law Reporter March 1848 pp481-488.

After this judgement, John declared bankruptcy:
Allen's Indian Mail 1849 p371
      Court of Bankruptcy, June 13.
  In the Bankruptcy of —— Charretie.— The bankrupt, who applied for his certificate is under sentence of imprisonment pronounced by the Court of Queen's Bench for the sale of a cadetship in the East India Company's service. The private debts are not large but the liabilities are enormous. The following are the main items of the balance-sheet. Creditors holding security, 1,991l.; ditto unsecured, 200l.; liabilities, 80,090l.; pension received from the East-India Company, 300l.; legacy, 100l.; profits, 1,585l.; capital, 8,502l. The assets consist of property, 321l.; ditto in the hands of creditors, 400l.; debts, 2,000l. The losses are set down at 9,617l.; and the expenses at 40½l.
  Mr. Lawrance appeared for the assignees, and, on their behalf, declined to accept of any portion of the bankrupt's pension, a proposal which had been suggested at a previous meeting. The learned gentleman offered no opposition.
  Certificate granted.

After his maritime career, John was also involved in mining ventures. Reports from his cadetship trial show him as secretary of the Asturias Mining Company in 1842 and a bankruptcy proceeding in 1849 states his occupation as a steel and iron manufacturer in the Nister Dale Iron Company, and formerly a coal merchant and brick and tile manufacturer for the Trimdon colliery (London Gazette 30 March 1849 p1058). In 1853 he is recorded forming a copromoter of mpany to work the Cwmheisian mine in Wales. Another bankruptcy proceeding in 1859 states John to be a general agent and the Northfleet Docks and London Quays company (London Gazette 30 August 1859 p3265).

John died on 18 November 1868, in Kensington, Middlesex, aged 80.
The Register; and Magazine of Biography vol 1 p68 (1869)
Deaths
Nov. 18. At Kensington, aged 81, Capt. John Charretie, late of Hon. E.I.C.'s service.


Census & Addresses:
1834: Axminster, Devon   (Correspondence between the Court of Directors and Capt. J. Charretie p5)
1834: 3 Burton Crescent, Tavistock Square, London   (Correspondence between the Court of Directors and Capt. J. Charretie p7)
1837: Axminster, Devon   (Correspondence between the Court of Directors and Capt. J. Charretie p29)
1838: Five Houses, Clapton, Middlesex   (Correspondence between the Court of Directors and Capt. J. Charretie p32)
1849: 15 Trinity Square, Southwark, Surrey   (London Gazette 30 March 1849 p1058)
1859: Hornton Cottage, Hornton Street, Kensington, Middlesex   (London Gazette 30 August 1859 p3265)

Death: 14 September 1838, in Brighton district, Sussex, England, after a lingering and painful illness of twelve months.

Notes:
The will of Kitty Alderson Charretie, wife of Farzebrook House near Axminster, Devon was proved on 8 October 1838 in the Prerogative Court of Canterbury.

Sources:

Margaret (Lloyd, Wood) Shepherd

Birth: 29 December 1796

Baptism: 9 February 1797, in St Lawrence Jewry & St Mary Magdalene, Milk Street, London, England

Father: William Lloyd

Mother: Kitty Alderson (Lever) Lloyd

Married (1st): _____ Wood

Married (2nd): _____ Shepherd. This was possibly the marriage recorded on 2 February 1824, in Old Church, St. Pancras, London between Margaret Wood and Henry Shepherd (IGI marriage extracts batch M047931)

Addresses:
1838: Wellingham Lodge, Brighton, Sussex    (Correspondence between the Court of Directors and Capt. J. Charretie p31)

Sources:

Mary Lloyd

Birth: 17 May 1788

Baptism: 12 June 1788, in St Martin Ludgate, London, England

Father: William Lloyd

Mother: Kitty Alderson (Lever) Lloyd

Notes:
Mary is not mentioned in the will of her great-uncle Christopher Alderson in 1810, although four of her siblings are named in the will, and so it is likely that she died before 1810.

Sources:

Mary Ann Frances Lloyd

Birth: 2 March 1795

Baptism: 4 August 1795, in St Lawrence Jewry & St Mary Magdalene, Milk Street, London, England

Father: William Lloyd

Mother: Kitty Alderson (Lever) Lloyd

Notes:
Mary Ann is not mentioned in the will of her great-uncle Christopher Alderson in 1810, although four of her siblings are named in the will, and so it is likely that Mary Ann died before 1810.

Sources:

Thomas Lloyd

of Plas Madoc and Wrexham, Denbighshire, Wales

Birth: 25 August 1711

Father: Thomas Lloyd

Mother: Elizabeth (Leche) Lloyd

Married: Mary Shepherd on 18 December 1740 in St Martins, Birmingham, Warwickshire

Children: Occupation: Mercer (a merchant, usually dealing in textiles and fabrics).
In 1731, Thomas bought an inn, The Mitre at 30 High Street, Wrexham, on the death of its proprietor, Mr. John Stephenson, and converted the building into a mercer's shop. He remained here until 1756, when he moved to a new shop higher up the street at 38 & 39 High Street which he occupied until his death in until his death in 1793.

Death: 24 April 1793

Sources:

William Lloyd

Birth: 21 October 1742, in Wrexham, Denbighshire, Wales

Father: Thomas Lloyd

Mother: Mary (Shepherd) Lloyd

Married: Kitty Alderson Lever on 24 April 1785, in London, England

Children: Death: 20 June 1797

Sources:

William Lloyd

Birth: 5 December 1791

Baptism: 30 January 1792, in St Stephen, Coleman Street, London, England

Father: William Lloyd

Mother: Kitty Alderson (Lever) Lloyd

Notes:
Landed Gentry of Great Britain and Ireland (Burke, 1850) p207 notes that William died young.

Sources:
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