Kiev

Anne of Kiev

Statue of Anne of Kiev at Senlis
Statue of Anne of Kiev in the abbey of Saint Vincent at Senlis, to which Anne was a foundational benefactress
photo dated 2011 by P.poschadel posted on wikipedia
Father: Yaroslav I "the Wise"
 
Mother: Ingegerd, Princess of Sweden

Married (1st): Henry I of France on 19 May 1051

Hugonis Floriacensis Modernorum Regum Francorum Actus in Monumenta Germaniæ Historica SS 9 pp388-9 (ed. G. H. Pertz, 1851)
… Rex etiam accepit in coniugium filiam regis Russorum Annam, quae ei tres genuit filios, Philippum videlicet, Hugonem atque Rotbertum. Quorum Rotbertus inmatura morte decessit.
This roughly translates as:
… The king also took in marriage Anna, daughter of the king of the Russians, who bore him three sons: namely Philip, Hugh, and Robert. Of these, Robert died an untimely death.

Children: Married (2nd): Rodulfus III "le Grand", count of Valois, in 1062

Empty tomb of Rodulfus "le Grand"
The now empty tomb of Rodulfus in the church of Saint-Pierre in Montdidier, Somme, France. His body was later moved to Crépy.
photo dated 2008 by Marc Roussel posted on wikipedia
Rodulfus's father was Rudolfus de Mantes, count of Valois, and his mother was the daughter of Hilduin de Bretuil, vicomte of Chartres. He married, firstly, Aelis de Bar-sur-Aube, who died in 1053, and secondly Haquenez, whom he repudiated in 1060. Anne was Rodulfus's third wife, and the marriage led to his excommunication both on grounds of bigamy due to his repudiation of his second wife not being fully recognised, and because Rodulfus and Henry I were distantly related. Rodulfus died on 8 September 1074, in Montdidier, Somme, France, and was buried in the church of Saint-Pierre there. Two years later his body was moved to the priory of Saint-Arnoul at Crépy.

Hugonis Floriacensis Modernorum Regum Francorum Actus in Monumenta Germaniæ Historica SS 9 p389 (ed. G. H. Pertz, 1851)
   11. Philippus igitur regnum assecutus est Francorum anno incarnationis divinae 1059, regnavitque annis ferme 40. Cuius mater Anna, Henrici relicta, nupsit Rodulfo comiti, viro nobili et generoso.
This roughly translates as:
  11. Philip therefore attained the kingdom of the Franks in the year of the divine incarnation 1059, and he reigned for nearly 40 years. His mother Anna, the relict of Henry, married count Ralph, a man noble and generous.

De S. Simone Comite et Monachio in Acta Sanctorum Septembris vol 8 pp722-3 (ed. G. H. Pertz, 1851)
quando Rodulfus pater repudiata, ut supra vidimus, secunda conjuge, Simonis noverca, tertiam duxit, de qua hæc collegit Chiffletius in Observationibus Mss.: Fuit igitur tertia ejus conjux Anna, Jaroslai Russorum regis filia, Henrici I Francorum regis relicta: quam duxisse videtur anno 1061, expleto anno luctus reginæ viduæ. Propter has autem nuptias sacris interdictus est Rodulfus. Sic enim ait Clarius monachus in Chronico Senonensi S. Petri Vivi: “ Mortuo autem Hainrico rege apud Vitriacum castrum in Brieria et sepulto in basilica sancti Dionysii, Rodulfus comes, consanguineus, ejusdem regis duxit uxorem in conjugio contra jus et fas; unde fuit excommunicatus. Balduinus vero comes Flandrensis regem parvulum Philippum aluit, et Franciam gubernavit. ” Duxerat videlicet Annam Rodulfus in gradu affinitatis lege ecclesiastica tunc prohibito. Nam, ut notum est, ante concilium Lateranense anno 1215 sub Innocentio III, vetita erant matrimonia intra septem gradus sive consanguinitatis, sive affinitatis: erat autem Rodulfus Henrici regis consanguineus in quinto gradu; adeoque Annæ reginæ in eodem gradu affinis, ut apparet in hoc schemate:
This roughly translates as:
when father Rodolfo, having been divorced, as we have seen above, from his second wife, Simon's stepmother, he married a third, Simon's stepmother, of whom Chiffletius collected the following in his Observations on Mss.: His third wife was therefore Anna, daughter of Yaroslav, king of the Russians, left by Henry I, king of the Franks: whom he seems to have married in 1061, after the year of mourning for the widowed queen had expired. Because of this marriage, Rodolphe was forbidden to perform sacred rites. For thus says the monk Clarius in the Chronicle of Senon of St. Peter Vivi: “When King Henry died at the castle of Vitria in Brier and was buried in the basilica of St. Denis, Count Rodolphe, a blood relative of the same king, married the wife of the same king in a marriage contrary to law and custom; wherefore he was excommunicated. But Baldwin, Count of Flanders, raised the young king Philip and governed France.” Rodolphe had married Anne in a degree of affinity then forbidden by ecclesiastical law. For, as is known, before the Lateran Council in 1215 under Innocent III, marriages within seven degrees of consanguinity or affinity were forbidden: but Rodolphe was a blood relative of King Henry in the fifth degree; and therefore related to Queen Anne in the same degree, as appears in this diagram:

The ecclesiastical history of England and Normandy by Ordericus Vitalis vol 1 p456 (trans. Thomas Forester, 1853)
  On a certain occasion there was a violent quarrel between Count Hugh, so often named, and Ralph, count of Mantes, father-in-law of Philip, king of France,1 and Hugh, boldly encountering the count of Mantes with inferior forces, was compelled to retreat.
  1 Ralph, count de Cressi and Valois, married, in 1062, Agnes, wife of Henry I., king of France, and died in 1074.

William the Conqueror mentions Rudolph in his supposed deathbed confession, related by Ordericus Vitalis.
The ecclesiastical history of England and Normandy by Ordericus Vitalis vol 2 pp407-8 (trans. Thomas Forester, 1853)
  “On one occasion, King Henry, was so enraged against me, that he invaded my territories with a vast army in two divisions, in order to overwhelm them by a double attack. He led one body of troops himself into the diocese of Evreux, and ravaged the whole country on this side the Seine, while ho gave the command of the other division to his brother Eudes, with Reynold de Clermont, and the two counts, Ralph de Montdidier,3 and Guy de Ponthieu, with orders to enter Normandy by the fords of the Epte, and, carrying fire and sword through Brai and the Talois, with the whole district of Rouen, to continue their devastations to the sea-coast. Receiving intelligence of these movements, I lost no time in preparing to meet them. Stationing myself with part of my troops along the bank of the Seine against the king’s tents, I kept him in check, and was ready to fall upon the enemy at whatever point he attempted to ravage my territories. Meanwhile, I detached against Eudes and his division Robert, Count d’Eu, with Roger de Mortemer,1 and other distinguished knights; who, encountering the French near the castle of Mortemer, the line of battle was formed by both armies, and a desperate engagement ensued, in which the carnage was enormous, for the combatants on both sides were full of ardour and resolved not to yield but with their lives. On one side, the French made furious assaults, inspired by the hope of gaining the spoils of the victory; on the other, the Normans struck home, animated by their determination to repel the enemy and defend their lives and possessions. This battle was fought beyond the Seine in the winter season, before Lent, eight years after that of Val-des-Dunes. Guy, count of Ponthieu, was taken prisoner and Eudes, Reynold, and others were put to flight, owing their escape to the speed with which they ran away. Count Ralph [de Valois] would also have been taken, if Roger, my commander-in-chief, had not favoured his escape on account of the fealty he had formerly sworn to him. In acting thus, in the hour of the count’s utmost need, he paid him a noble and legitimate service; receiving him in his castle, where he entertained him three days, and afterwards conducting him in safety to his own territories. Notwithstanding, for this breach of his duty to me, I banished Robert from Normandy, but, being soon afterwards reconciled with him, restored him all his domains, except the castle of Mortemer, in which he had sheltered my enemy; which I think he justly forfeited, and I granted it to his cousin William de Warrene,3 one of my loyal young vassals.
  3 Ralph III., called the Great, comte de Valois and Amiens in 1030, in right of his father, Ralph II., re-united to it Pontoise, Mantes, and great part of the Vexin, after the death of his cousin Walter in 1063. See before, p. 79. He never bore the title of Comte de Montdidier given him by our author, and only possessed that place by depriving his cousin-german, Rothaïs daughter and heiress of Eudes, comte de Montdidier of it. Having married twice, he divorced his second wife to marry the queen, Anne of Russia, widow of Henry I. Faithful to his habits of violence and usurpation, towards the close of his life (about 1071 or 1072) he seized the castle of Péronne, of which exploit he was so proud that he afterwards used no other title but that of Ralph de Péronne. He died at Montdidier, Sept. 8, 1074, under excommunication for his divorce, and was buried in the priory of Notre-Dame in that town.
  Simon de Crépi, his son and successor, led a life as pure and holy as that of Ralph had been violent and criminal. One of his first cares was to restore Montdidier to the right heirs, and to disinter his father’s body, and have it conveyed to his own patrimony at Creépi. This exhumation was made on March 22, 1076. Simon, who was present, was so shocked at the appearance of his father’s corpse, that it was a new motive for his quitting the world and devoting himself to a monastic life, which he shortly afterwards did, although his friends, to withdraw him from it, brought about his marriage with Judith, daughter of Robert Comte d’Auvergne. The new married pair made vows of chastity on the day of their union, and both embraced a religious life. Simon was one of the nearest relatives and most devoted friends of Queen Matilda.
  1 Roger de Mortemer, brother of William de Warrene, son of Walter (or Ralph), who married a niece of the Duchess Gonnor.
  3 Although Roger de Mortemer, Roger’s son, fought bravely at the battle of Hastings, the castle of his ancestors was not restored to him. In the treaty of 1153, between King Stephen and Duke Henry, by which the domains of Earl Warrene were ceded to William, the king’s son, the castles of Bellencombre and Mortemer appear in the first line. A charter of Reginald de Boulogne, in 1204, mentions the castle of Mortemer, quod fuit comitis Garenniæ.

Occupation: Queen of France

Notes:
  Anne of Kiev was a princess of Kievan Rus', the daughter of Yaroslav the Wise, the Grand Prince of Kiev, and a Swedish princess Ingegerd Olofsdotter. Her arrival in the West marked one of the most distant and prestigious marital alliances of the middle ages, bringing the sophisticated culture of the Kievan Rus' to the comparatively rustic Capetian court.
  Following the death of his first wife, king Henry I was desperate for an heir. Because of the strict incest laws of the Church, he could find no suitable bride among the local nobility who was not a close relative. In 1051, he sent an embassy thousands of miles east to Kiev. Anne was chosen for her high lineage, her reputed beauty, and her literacy, a rare trait among the Frankish nobility of the time. She was married to Henry I in Reims in 1051. Her influence was not merely domestic. When Henry I died in 1060, Anne became the first queen of France to act as regent for her minor son, Philip I. However, her life took a dramatic turn in 1062 when she fell in love with count Ralph (Raoul) of Valois. Ralph was a powerful count, but he was already married. He repudiated his wife on false charges of adultery to marry Anne. The marriage caused a massive scandal and Pope Alexander II excommunicated Ralph. Despite this, Anne remained by Ralph's side, and her son Philip I eventually welcomed his mother back to the court. After Ralph’s death in 1074, Anne returned to the royal court as the queen mother. She founded the abbey of Saint-Vincent in Senlis, where her statue still stands, depicting her holding a model of the church she built.

In 1061 Anne made a substantial donation to the foundation of St. Vincent at Senlis, from her own possessions and from the dower from her marriage to Henry. This donation is cited in a later document in which king Philip records a debt to the same church.
Recueil des Actes de Philippe I, Roi de France vol 139 pp330-331 (ed. Maurice Prou, 1908)
Notum est omnibus sancte aecclesiae filiis quoniam universitatis creator omnia ad ornatum compositionemque sacratissimarum nuptiarum unigeniti sui Deus pater condidit, nec solum genitor sed et ipse genitus, concordia Sancti Spiritus, sibi sponsam aptavit, sicut ipse in Canticis Canticorum eidem sponsae dicit: «Veni de Libano, sponsa mea, veni de Libano, veni et coronaberis de capite Amana, de vertice Sanir et Hermon.» Ego autem Anna, corde intelligens, mente pertractans tantam pulchritudinem tantumque decus atque recolens illud quod scriptum est: « Beati qui ad cenam Agni vocati sunt», et quod ipsa Christi sponsa alias « Qui elucidant me vitam aeternam habebunt», deliberavi apud me quomodo illarum epularum illiusque beatitudinis ac vitae aeternae particeps existere possem, cumque demum sublevatum esset cor meum ad fabricandum Christo aecclesiam, ut intus incorporari et quodlibet membrum illius sanctae societatis, que fide Christo adjuncta est, connecti valuissem, in honore sanctae Trinitatis et piae Dei genitricis Mariae et precursoris Domini et sancti Vincentii martyris, Christo eam fabricavi et dedicare precepi atque dans deputavi ibi de facultatibus meis, et de his, que in matrimonio Henricus rex, conjux meus, michi dederat, que omnia, favore filii mei Philippi, Dei gratia regis, et omnium optimatum sui regni consilio attitulari concedo, quatinus ibi quieti et tranquilli religiosi viri Deo servientes, mundo renuntiantes, regularem, id est sanctorum apostolorum et beati Augustini, que scripta est, vitam canonice amplectentes, vivere valeant et pro peccatis Henrici regis ac filiorum et amicorum meorum atque meis die ac nocte Deum exorent, et ut sine macula aut ruga, sicut a Christo aptatur aecclesia suis precibus me Deo exhibeant: terram scilicet quam juxta aecclesiam Ivo prepositus sidebat, ab ipso pretio emptam, cum furno et omnibus consuetudinibus quas terra reddere solet; novem hospites, cum omni consuetudine, quos prius in eodem loco possidebam; de censu monete, tres libras; pediter civitatis, in cujus suburbio prefata constructa est aecclesia, et quod ad civitatem pertinet; molendinum unum in villa que dicitur Guvils; villam unam que dicitur Mansionale Blavum; in territorio Laudunensi, alodium unum in villa que dicitur Crespis, sed ne quis deinceps eis molestus sit, concedo omnes omnino consuetudines sancto Vincentio et canonicis ejus.
The letter is translated at Epistolæ: Medieval Women's Letters as:
LETTER 120
It is known to all the sons of the holy church that the creator of the universe, God the father, formed all things for the construction and adornment of the most holy nuptials of his only son. Not only the father but also his son, in harmony with the Holy Spirit, prepared the bride for him, as he says in the Song of Songs to that bride: “Come from Lebanon, my bride, come from Lebanon, come and you will be crowned from the height of Amana, from the peak of Senir and Hermon.” But I, Anne, understanding in my heart and going over in my mind such beauty and such splendor and remembering what is written: “Blessed are those who are called to the feast of the Lamb,” and what that bride of Christ [says] elsewhere “Those who light me will have eternal life,” I deliberated with myself how I might be a participant of those feasts and of that beatitude and eternal life. Then my heart was lifted to build a church for Christ, so that I might be connected, incorporated within it with any member of that holy society which is joined to Christ by faith, in honor of the holy Trinity and the pious mother of God, Mary, and the precursor of the Lord and the martyr St. Vincent. I built it and ordered it to be dedicated to Christ and as a gift from my goods and those which king Henry, my husband, gave me at our marriage, all of which, with the favor of my son Philip, king by the grace of God, and the counsel of all the magnates of his kingdom, I granted to be assigned to it, so that religious men serving God, renouncing the world, embracing the regular life, that is the written [rule] of the holy apostles and blessed Augustine, might live quiet and tranquil, and pray God day and night for the sins of king Henry and my sons and friends and my own, that they might by their prayers present me to God without stain or wrinkle, as was desired by Christ for the church. Namely the land which provost Yves possessed beside the church, bought at that price, with the oven and all the revenues which that land usually renders; the nine tenants, with all the revenues which I possessed in that place before; the path around the city in the suburb of which the church was constructed and which belongs to the city; a mill in a town called Gouvieux,; a town called Blancmesnil; a property in the territory of Laon in a town called Crespy. But so that no one harms them from now on, I grant all the revenues of any kind to St. Vincent and his canons.


Excerptum Historicum in Recueil des historiens des Gaules et de la France vol 11 p157 (1871)
    Ex Collectione Freheri, pag. 515, et ex Ms. Regio num. 8394.
… Post cujus obitum Rex sibi quærens conjugii solatium, ad Rutenorum Regem Galterum, cognomine Saveir, Meldensem Episcopum direxit, postulans ut ei suam mitteret filiam. Quod et factum est. Hujus nomen erat Anna. Convocatâ igitur regni sui Procerum multitudine, sicut decet tantum virum, illam celebriter duxit in uxorem. Hæc autem Deo devota, plus de futuris quàm de præsentibus cogitans, in æterna vita mutuum multipliciter recipere credens, apud Sylvanectum Ecclesiam in honore S. Vincentii construxit. Cum qua Rex feliciter vivens, ex ea genuit tres filios, Philippum videlicet, Robertum, et Hugonem cognomine Magnum. Iste Hugo genuit Rodulfum Viromanduorum Comitem.
This roughly translates as:
    From the Freher Collection, page 515, and from Royal Manuscript no. 8394.
… After her death, the King, seeking for himself the solace of marriage, sent Walter, the Bishop of Meaux, surnamed "Saveir", to the King of the Rus, requesting that he send him his daughter. And so it was done. Her name was Anna. Therefore, having called together a multitude of the nobles of his realm, as befits such a man, he married her in a celebrated ceremony. She, however, being devoted to God and thinking more of future things than present ones, believing that she would receive a manifold return in eternal life, built a church at Senlis in honor of St. Vincent. Living happily with her, the King fathered three sons by her: namely Philip, Robert, and Hugh, surnamed the Great. This Hugh fathered Ralph, Count of Vermandois.

Anne de Russie, reine de France p23 (Le Vicomte de Caiz de Saint Aymour, 1896)
  Anne … était fille de Iaroslav Vladimirovitch, grand-duc ou plutôt grand-prince (velikii kniaz) des Ruthènes ou Russes, qu’un historien appelle le Charlemagne de la Russie, et dont les exploits contre Boleslas, roi ou duc de Pologne, avaient porté le nom jusqu’aux confins de l’Occident. Son aïeul, Vladimir le Grand, s’était élevé à un haut degré de puissance, et, en introduisant le christianisme parmi ses peuples, en 988, il leur avait fait prendre place au milieu des nations civilisées. Sa mère, Ingegerde, était la fille d’Olaüs, roi de Norwège, surnommé Skotkonung.
This roughly translates as:
  Anne... was the daughter of Yaroslav Vladimirovich, grand-duke or rather grand-prince (velikii kniaz) of the Ruthenians or Russians, whom one historian calls the Charlemagne of Russia, and whose exploits against Bolesław, king or duke of Poland, had carried his name to the far reaches of the West. Her grandfather, Vladimir the Great, had risen to a high degree of power, and, by introducing Christianity among his people in 988, he had enabled them to take their place among the civilized nations. Her mother, Ingegerd, was the daughter of Olaf, king of Norway, nicknamed "King of the Scots".
pp35-36
  Ayant résolu de demander la main de la fille de Iaroslav, le roi Henri Ier chargea de cette mission Gauthier Saveyr (le Sage ou le Savant) évêque de Meaux, et Goscelin de Chalignac, auxquels il adjoignit plusieurs autres grands du royaume. Partis au commencement de l’année 1048, les ambassadeurs revinrent avec la princesse en 1049, et le mariage fut célébré à Reims le 14 mai de la même année, jour de la Pentecôte.
  Anne de Russie, née en 1024, avait alors vingt-cinq ans. Nous avons dit qu’elle était d’une beauté remarquable; elle appartenait, de plus, à une race féconde, et tout permettait d’espérer qu’elle ferait reverdir sans retard le jeune tronc capétien. Un temps assez long s’écoula cependant sans que cet espoir se réalisât et l’inquiétude commença à s’emparer de la jeune reine.
This roughly translates as:
  Having resolved to ask for the hand of Yaroslav's daughter, king Henry I entrusted this mission to Walter Saveyr (the Wise or the Learned), bishop of Meaux, and Goscelin de Chalignac, to whom he added several other great men of the kingdom. Having departed at the beginning of 1048, the ambassadors returned with the princess in 1049, and the marriage was celebrated in Reims on May 14th of the same year, Pentecost Sunday.
  Anne of Russia, born in 1024, was then twenty-five years old. We have said that she was remarkably beautiful; moreover, she belonged to a fertile lineage, and everything suggested that she would quickly revitalize the young Capetian dynasty. However, a considerable time passed without this hope being realized, and anxiety began to take hold of the young queen.
pp42-46
Henri Ier mourut, en effet, à Vitry-aux-Loges, près d’Orléans, le 4 août 1060. Si sa veuve ne prit pas alors les rênes du gouvernement elle conserva tout au moins la tutelle et la garde du jeune roi et de ses autres enfants, et elle se retira immédiatement avec eux au château de Senlis, vieille ville royale que sa proximité de Paris, la loyauté de ses habitants pour leurs souverains et les belles forêts qui l’entouraient de toutes parts, avaient suffisamment désignée à sa maternelle prévoyance.
…  Anne aimait beaucoup ce séjour de Senlis, nous dit un vieux manuscrit (1), « tant par la bonté de l’air qu’on y respire que pour les agréables divertissements de la chasse, à laquelle elle prenait un singulier plaisir.»
  Peut-être aussi avait-elle déjà choisi ce lieu pour y réaliser enfin le vœu qu’elle avait fait autrefois de construire un monastère, vœu qu’elle avait résolu d’accomplir sans retard, maintenant qu’elle était libre d’y consacrer, tant ses biens propres, que ceux qu’elle tenait de la munificence de son époux.
  Il existait précisément à Senlis au faubourg de Vietel ou Vitel, une petite chapelle « ruinée de vieillesse et réduite en masure », placée sous le vocable de Saint-Vincent. Autour de cette chapelle s’étendait un vaste pré, appelé le Pré du Roi, qui sous le nom d’ « aleu royal » constituait un domaine particulier relevant directement du souverain. En établissant son abbaye sur ce terrain, avec la permission de Philippe Ier, son fils, Anne l’affranchissait, par là même, de toute autre juridiction temporelle que celle du roi lui même.
  (1) Manuscrit de Nicolas Quesnel. sous-prieur de Saint-Vincent vers 1670, cité par l’abbé MAGNE: Notice sur l’Abbaye de Saint-Vincent, in-8, Beauvais et Paris (1860).
This roughly translates as:
  Henry I died, in fact, at Vitry-aux-Loges, near Orléans, on August 4, 1060. While his widow did not immediately assume the reins of government, she at least retained guardianship and care for the young king and his other children, and she immediately retired with them to the Château de Senlis, an old royal town whose proximity to Paris, the loyalty of its inhabitants to their sovereigns, and the beautiful forests that surrounded it on all sides, had sufficiently drawn her to her maternal foresight.
… Anne greatly enjoyed her stay at Senlis, an old manuscript (1) tells us, “both for the freshness of the air and for the pleasant pastimes of hunting, in which she took singular pleasure.”
  Perhaps she had already chosen this place to finally fulfill the vow she had once made to build a monastery, a vow she resolved to accomplish without delay, now that she was free to dedicate to it both her own possessions and those she received from the munificence of her husband.
  There existed in Senlis, in the suburb of Vietel or Vitel, a small chapel, “ruined by old age and reduced to a hovel,” dedicated to Saint Vincent. Around this chapel lay a vast meadow, called the King’s Meadow, which, under the name of “royal allodial land,” constituted a private domain directly under the sovereign’s jurisdiction. By establishing her abbey on this land, with the permission of Philip I, her son, Anne thereby freed it from any temporal jurisdiction other than that of the king himself.
  (1) Manuscript of Nicolas Quesnel. sub-prior of Saint-Vincent around 1670, cited by Abbot MAGNE: Notice sur l’Abbaye de Saint-Vincent, in-8, Beauvais and Paris (1860).
pp53-62
  Cependant, l’accomplissement de ses de voirs de mère et l’exécution de son pieux dessein, la fondation de l’abbaye de Saint-Vincent, n’absorbait pas tellement la reine qu’elle ne pût prendre quelques distractions purement mondaines. Parmi ces distractions, la promenade et la chasse dans les belles forêts qui entouraient sa résidence, tenaient la première place. Tous les seigneurs du voisinage venaient aussi lui faire leur cour ainsi qu’au jeune roi: et plus d’un, parmi eux, apportait ses hommages, non seulement à la reine, mais aussi à la femme. Il ne faut pas oublier, en effet, qu’Anne de Russie n’avait, à la mort de son époux, que trente-cinq ou trente-six ans, qu’elle était renommée pour sa beauté, et que, chez beaucoup de femmes de son pays, cet âge est celui du plus complet épanouissement de leurs charmes.
  Parmi les seigneurs qui se trouvaient ainsi attirés le plus assidûment à Senlis, était Raoul III, dit le Grand, comte de Crépy et de Valois, du Vexin d’Amiens, de Bar-sur-Aube, de Vitry, de Péronne et de Montdidier. Ce prince, descendant de Charlemagne, par Hildegarde, dame de Crépy, était, nous dit l’historien du Valois, « l’un des plus puissants seigneurs et des plus absolus qui aient existé en France… »; il « ne reconnaissait de puissance au-dessus de la sienne que celle qu’il pouvait faire servir à l’accomplissement de ses desseins », et « il ne craignait ni les armes du roi, ni les censures de l’Eglise… »
  Plus âgé que la reine de quelques années, Raoul avait eu déjà deux femmes: Adèle ou Alix, fille de Nautcher, comte de Bar-sur-Aube, qui lui avait laissé en mourant, en 1053, avec deux fils et deux filles, cette seigneurie et celle de Vitry, et Aliénor qui vivait encore, mais qu’il soupçonnait d’adultère et qu’il songeait à répudier.
  Il mit son projet à exécution dès qu’il eut la certitude que la reine partageait l’amour qu’il avait conçu pour elle: et pour que rien ne manquât à ce petit roman d’histoire royale, un jour qu’Anne de Russie se promenait dans la forêt de Senlis, sous les ombrages de laquelle ils se rencontraient assez souvent, il l’enleva comme une simple bergère et l’emmena à Crépy-en-Valois, sa capitale, où quelque prêtre complaisant ou terrorisé les maria.
  Ceci se passa très probablement dans la première moitié de l’année 1063, car la dernière charte dans laquelle Anne est traitée de « reine » est datée de cette année, la deuxième du règne de son fils.
  On peut penser au scandale que fit cette escapade princière, quel chagrin en eurent le jeune roi Philippe, et ses frères et quelle indignation en conçut le Régent. Tout ce réunissait pour condamner cette union: la mort très récente de Henri Ier; la jeunesse des petits princes qui avaient encore besoin de leur mère; enfin la situation respective d’Anne et de Raoul aussi bien que la manière dont ils s’y étaient pris pour arriver à la satisfaction de leur passion réciproque. Non seulement le comte de Valois était déjà marié, mais la proche parenté de ce seigneur avec Henri, premier époux d’Anne de Russie, aurait suffi, d’après les mœurs du temps, pour entacher de nullité un mariage contracté entre eux. Mais rien ne prévalut contre la fougue emportée de l’amant et contre la faiblesse déraisonnable de l’amante.
  Quoi qu il en soit, tout se serait peut-être arrangé, tant était grande la puissance du comte de Valois et la crainte qu’il inspirait, sans la protestation hardie de l’épouse qu’il avait abandonnée.
  Celle-ci, en effet, ne se résigna pas à son sort. Outrée de fureur et ne respirant que la vengeance, elle partit pour Rome dès qu’elle sut l’usage que son volage époux avait fait de sa liberté reconquise par la répudiation violente dont elle avait été la victime, et elle alla porter directement ses plaintes au Pape Alexandre II. Celui-ci l’ayant accueillie avec bienveillance, elle revint de Rome avec une lettre du Saint-Père pour Gervais, archevêque de Reims, ordonnant à ce prélat de faire une enquête. Et l’archevêque ayant peu après confirmé les faits allégués par l’épouse répudiée, Alexandre II enjoignit à Raoul de renvoyer la reine et de reprendre Aliénor. Puis sur son refus, il l’excommunia et déclara nul son mariage.
  Bravant les censures ecclésiastiques, le comte de Valois continua à vivre avec sa troisième femme. On s’habitua peu à peu à cette union irrégulière. Le roi lui-même, sans doute par crainte de s’aliéner son puissant beau-père, et peut-être aussi mû par un sentiment de tendresse pour sa mère, qui, jusqu’à l’éclosion de cette malheureuse passion n’avait jamais failli à aucun de ses devoirs, fit probablement taire son juste ressentiment. Nous voyons, en effet, dès l’année 1065, Raoul et ses deux fils accompagner Philippe Ier à Corbie et signer avec lui un diplôme en faveur de l’abbaye de Hasnon. Néanmoins, nous ne trouvons plus Anne nommée dans aucune charte donnée par son fils depuis son union avec le comte de Valois, sauf dans celle qu’il octroya à Senlis, en 1069, au monastère de Saint Vincent. Mais cette exception se justifie suffisamment par le fait que la mère du roi était la fondatrice de ce couvent et qu’il était, pour ainsi dire, impossible de ne pas le rappeler dans une charte concernant cette fondation et donnée dans la ville même où s’élevait l’abbaye due à sa piété.
  Cette réserve n’empêchait pas d’ailleurs les bonnes relations de la mère et du fils, et Raoul de Crépy étant mort à Montdidier le 8 septembre 1074, sa veuve reparut immédiatement à la cour de Philippe Ier.
…  Revenue auprès de son fils, nous la voyons apposer sa signature en 1075, à un vidimus de Philippe, par lequel il confirma, en son palais de Paris, la charte de fondation du monastère de Notre-Dame de Pontlevoy. Un détail du libellé de cet acte nous montre, néanmoins, que la position d’Anne de Russie, à la cour, avait subi une grande modification. Elle ne signe plus, en effet, comme autrefois, Regina, mais seulement: Signum Annae matris Philippi Regis. Elle ne reprit donc jamais auprès de son fils le rang duquel l’avait fait déchoir son union romanesque et irrégulière avec le comte de Valois, et elle ne fut plus traitée par lui que comme une mère bien-aimée à qui on pardonne ses écarts, et non comme une reine qui vous a donné le jour et que l’on associe à la puissance royale et à l’exercice de la souveraineté.
  Cette signature de 1075 est, d’ailleurs, la dernière mention que nous trouvons d’Anne de Russie 
This roughly translates as:
  However, fulfilling her maternal duties and carrying out her pious project, the founding of the abbey of Saint Vincent, did not so absorb the queen that she could not indulge in some purely worldly pastimes. Among these, walking and hunting in the beautiful forests surrounding her residence held first place. All the local lords also came to pay their respects to her and the young king; and more than one of them offered homage not only to the queen, but also to the woman. It must not be forgotten, in fact, that Anne of Russia was only thirty-five or thirty-six years old at the death of her husband, that she was renowned for her beauty, and that, for many women of her country, this age is that of the fullest blossoming of their charms.
  Among the lords who were thus most assiduously drawn to Senlis was Raoul III, known as the Great, count of Crépy and Valois, of the Vexin of Amiens, of Bar-sur-Aube, of Vitry, of Péronne and of Montdidier. This prince, a descendant of Charlemagne through Hildegarde, lady of Crépy, was, the historian of Valois tells us, "one of the most powerful and absolute lords who ever existed in France..." He "recognized no power above his own except that which he could use to accomplish his designs," and "he feared neither the king's arms nor the Church's censures..."
  A few years older than the queen, Raoul had already had two wives: Adèle or Alix, daughter of Nautcher, count of Bar-sur-Aube, who had left him, upon his death in 1053, along with two sons and two daughters, this lordship and that of Vitry; and Eleanor, who was still alive, but whom he suspected of adultery and whom he was considering divorcing.
  He put his plan into action as soon as he was certain that the queen shared the love he had conceived for her. And so that nothing would be lacking in this little tale of royal history, one day, while Anne of Russia was strolling in the forest of Senlis, in whose shade they often met, he abducted her like a simple shepherdess and took her to Crépy-en-Valois, his capital, where some compliant or terrified priest married them.
  This most likely took place in the first half of 1063, for the last charter in which Anne is addressed as "queen" is dated that year, the second of her son's reign.
  One can imagine the scandal caused by this princely escapade, the grief felt by the young king Philip and his brothers, and the indignation of the Regent. Everything conspired to condemn this union: the very recent death of Henry I; the young princes, still dependent on their mother, were young; and Anne and Raoul's respective situations, as well as the manner in which they had sought to satisfy their mutual passion, were all factors. Not only was the count of Valois already married, but his close kinship with Henry, Anne of Russia's first husband, would have been sufficient, according to the customs of the time, to invalidate any marriage between them. But nothing prevailed against the lover's impetuous passion and the beloved's unreasonable weakness.
  In any case, everything might have been resolved, so great was the count of Valois's power and the fear he inspired, had it not been for the bold protest of the wife he had abandoned.
  She, indeed, refused to resign herself to her fate. Overcome with fury and consumed by a thirst for revenge, she left for Rome as soon as she learned of how her fickle husband had used his newfound freedom, regained through the violent repudiation of which she had been the victim. She went directly to Pope Alexander II to lodge her complaints. He received her favorably, and she returned from Rome with a letter from the Holy Father to Gervais, archbishop of Reims, ordering him to conduct an investigation. The archbishop soon confirmed the facts alleged by the repudiated wife, and Alexander II ordered Raoul to dismiss the queen and take Eleanor back. Upon his refusal, he excommunicated him and declared their marriage null and void.
  Defying ecclesiastical censures, the count of Valois continued to live with his third wife. People gradually became accustomed to this irregular union. The king himself, no doubt fearing to alienate his powerful father-in-law, and perhaps also moved by a feeling of tenderness for his mother, who, until the blossoming of this unfortunate passion, had never failed in any of her duties, probably silenced his justifiable resentment. Indeed, we see Raoul and his two sons accompanying Philip I to Corbie as early as 1065 and signing a charter with him in favor of the abbey of Hasnon. Nevertheless, we find Anne mentioned in no charter issued by her son after her marriage to the count of Valois, except in the one he granted to the monastery of Saint Vincent at Senlis in 1069. But this exception is sufficiently justified by the fact that the king's mother was the founder of this convent, and it was practically impossible not to mention this in a charter concerning its foundation, issued in the very town where the abbey, established in gratitude for her piety, stood.
  This reservation, however, did not prevent good relations between mother and son, and Raoul de Crépy having died at Montdidier on September 8, 1074, his widow immediately reappeared at the court of Philip I.
… Having returned to her son, we see her affixing her signature in 1075 to a vidimus of Philip, by which he confirmed, in his palace in Paris, the charter of foundation of the monastery of Notre-Dame de Pontlevoy. A detail in the wording of this document shows us, however, that Anne of Russia's position at court had undergone a significant change. She no longer signed, as before, Regina, but only: Signum Annae matris Philippi Regis. She therefore never regained with her son the rank from which her romantic and irregular union with the count of Valois had caused her to fall, and she was henceforth treated by him only as a beloved mother whose indiscretions are forgiven, and not as a queen who gave birth to him and whom one associates with royal power and the exercise of sovereignty.
  This signature of 1075 is, moreover, the last mention we find of Anne of Russia.

The Encyclopaedia Britannica 11th edition vol 13 pp290-1 (ed. Hugh Chisholm, 1911)
  HENRY I. (1008-1060), king of France … In 1051 Henry married the Russian princess Anne, daughter of Yaroslav I., grand duke of Kiev. She bore him two sons, Philip, his successor, and Hugh the great, count of Vermandois.
  See … de Caiz de Saint Aymour, Anne de Russie, reine de France (1896)

Death: 5 September, although the year is not known

Anne de Russie, reine de France p50 (Le Vicomte de Caiz de Saint Aymour, 1896)
Chaque année, ils célébraient « un obit solennel » au jour du décès de leur bienfaitrice, qui était le lendemain de l’octave de Saint Augustin: et pour que les malheureux eussent, leur part de la fête donnée en sou venir de la bonne Reine, l’abbé offrait à dîner, après la messe, à treize pauvres femmes veuves.
This roughly translates as:
Each year they celebrated "a solemn obit" on the day of the death of their benefactress, which was the day after the octave of Saint Augustine [5 September]: and so that the unfortunate would have their share of the feast given in memory of the good Queen, the abbot offered dinner, after mass, to thirteen poor widowed women.

Sources:

Igor

Father: ?
Rurik, an earlier ruler of the region, is named in The Russian Primary Chronicle - Laurentian Text p60 as Igor's father, but this is questioned by modern historians.
Ancient Russia p366 (George Vernadsky, 1946)
  According to the tradition of the Book of Annals Riurik left in Novgorod an infant son, Igor, in whose name his kinsman Oleg ruled at first. The name Igor occurs in the Skioldung clan. The ancestor of the Skioldungs—Riurik’s great-great-great-grandfather—was called Ivar, which may be considered another form of the name Ingvar, or Igor. According to the chronicles, Riurik’s son was the same Igor who became Prince of Kiev after Oleg’s death and who reigned, according to the tradition, from 912 to 945. The identity of the two Igors is hardly acceptable, however. In that case Igor of Kiev would have had to be over 70 at the time of his death (born not later than 873, died 945). Meanwhile there is no indication in the chronicles that Prince Igor was that old. In 941-44 he personally led a campaign, full of hardships, against the Byzantine Empire. In 945 he also personally directed a raid on the Drevlianians, during which he was killed. In addition, his son Sviatoslav was born in 942. In view of these considerations we may suggest that between Riurik of Novgorod and Igor of Kiev there was at least one intermediary generation, possibly two.

Married: Olga

This marriage is stated in The Russian Primary Chronicle - Laurentian Text p64 to have occurred in 903, but see Vernadsky's analysis above regarding Igor's father, that there are likely two Igor's of different generations, and that the marriage in 903 reported in the chronicle likely refers to the earlier one.

Children: Occupation: Prince of Kiev

As with Igor's marriage, the Igor who became price of Kiev in 913 is likely from an earlier generation from the Igor who fathered Svyatoslav around 942 and was also later prince of Kiev until his death around 945.

Notes:
  Igor’s reign was defined by his relationship with the "Greeks." Like his son Sviatoslav after him, he saw the Byzantine Empire as a source of both immense wealth and military humiliation. In 941 Igor launched a massive naval assault on Constantinople. However, the Byzantines used Greek Fire—a terrifying liquid flame—to incinerate the Rus' fleet. As the chronicle says, the Rus' "jumped into the sea to escape the flames, but those who did not drown were slaughtered." Undeterred, Igor returned in 944 with an even larger army. Rather than risk another battle, the Emperor Romanos I Lekapenos offered a lucrative trade treaty.
  Igor is often portrayed as a "transitional" figure—less mythical than Rurik and less saintly than his grandson Vladimir. However, his treaty of 944 is a vital historical document; it contains a list of names of his envoys, proving that the Rus' elite was already a mix of Norse (Viking) and Slavic cultures.

The Russian Primary Chronicle - Laurentian Text pp60-61 (trans. Samuel Hazzard Cross, 1953)
  6378-6387 (870-879). On his deathbed, Rurik bequeathed his realm to Oleg who belonged to his kin and entrusted to Oleg’s hands his son Igor’, for he was very young.22
  6388-6390 (880-882). Oleg set forth, taking with him many warriors from among the Varangians, the Chuds, the Slavs, the Merians and all the Krivichians. He thus arrived with his Krivichians before Smolensk, captured the city, and set up a garrison there. Thence he went on and captured Lyubech, where he also set up a garrison. He then came to the hills of Kiev, and saw how Askold and Dir reigned there. He hid his warriors in the boats, left some others behind, and went forward himself bearing the child Igor’. He thus came to the foot of the Hungarian hill, and after concealing his troops, he sent messengers to Askold and Dir, representing himself as a stranger on his way to Greece on an errand for Oleg and for Igor’, the prince’s son, and requesting that they should come forth to greet them as members of their race. Askold and Dir straightway came forth. Then all the soldiery jumped out of the boats, and Oleg said to Askold and Dir, “You are not princes nor even of princely stock, but I am of princely birth.” Igor’ was then brought forward, and Oleg announced that he was the son of Rurik. They killed Askold and Dir, and after carrying them to the hill, they buried them there 
  22. In the light of subsequent chronology, it is doubtful whether Igor was Rurik’s son since he is stated to have married Olga in 903; though the birth of Svyatoslav, his own son, is set in 942; cf. Vernadsky, Ancient Russia, p. 366.  

p64
  6411 (903). As Igor’ grew up, he followed after Oleg, and obeyed his instructions. A wife, Olga by name, was brought to him from Pskov.32
  6412-6415 (904-907) Leaving Igor’ in Kiev, Oleg attacked the Greeks.
  32. Hagiographical tradition characterized Olga as of Scandinavian origin and of non-noble birth. Makariy, Istoriya Russkoy Tserkvi, I, 3rd ed. (Spb., 1889), 268; Golubinsky, Ist. Russ. Tserkvi, I, i, 74.
pp71-78
  6421 (913). Igor’ succeeded Oleg and began his reign. At the same time began the reign of Constantine, son of Leo and son-in-law of Romanus. The Derevlians offered resistance to Igor’ after Oleg’s death.
  6422 (914). Igor’ attacked the Derevlians, and after conquering them, he imposed upon them a tribute larger than Oleg’s. In the same year, Symeon of Bulgaria attacked Tsar’grad, and when peace was made, he returned to his own country.
  6423 (915). The Pechenegs entered the land of Rus’ for the first time, but when they made peace with Igor’, they went their way to the Danube.
…  6424-6428 (916-920). … Igor’ waged war against the Pechenegs
…  6443-6449 (935-941). Igor’ attacked the Greeks, and the Bulgarians sent word to the Emperor that the Russes were advancing upon Tsar’grad with ten thousand vessels. The Russes set out across the sea, and began to ravage Bithynia. They waged war along the Pontus as far as Heraclea and Paphlagonia, and laid waste the entire region of Nicomedia, burning everything along the gulf. Of the people they captured, some they butchered, others they set up as targets and shot at, some they seized upon, and after binding their hands behind their backs, they drove iron nails through their heads. Many sacred churches they gave to the flames, while they burned many monasteries and villages, and took no little booty on both sides of the sea. Then, when the army came out of the east, Pantherius the Domestic with forty thousand men, Phocas the Patrician with the Macedonians, and Theodore the General with the Thracians, supported by other illustrious nobles, surrounded the Russes. After taking counsel, the latter threw themselves upon the Greeks, and as the conflict between them was desperate, the Greeks experienced difficulty in winning the upper hand. The Russes returned at evening to their companions, embarked at night upon their vessels, and fled away. Theophanes pursued them in boats with Greek fire, and dropped it through pipes upon the Russian ships, so that a strange miracle was offered to view.
  Upon seeing the flames the Russians cast themselves into the seawater, being anxious to escape, but the survivors returned home. When they came once more to their native land, where each one recounted to his kinsfolk the course of events and described the fire launched from the ships, they related that the Greeks had in their possession the lightning from heaven, and had set them on fire by pouring it forth, so that the Russes could not conquer them. Upon his return Igor’ began to collect a great army, and sent many messengers after the Varangians beyond the sea, inviting them to attack the Greeks, for he desired to make war upon them.
…  6452 (944) After collecting many warriors among the Varangians, the Russes, the Polyanians, the Slavs, the Krivichians, the Tivercians, and the Pechenegs, and receiving hostages from them, Igor’ advanced upon the Greeks by ship and by horse, thirsting for revenge.50 The Khersonians, upon hearing of this expedition, reported to Romanus that the Russes were advancing with innumerable ships and covered the sea with their vessels. Likewise the Bulgarians sent tidings to the effect that the Russes were on the way, and that they had won the Pechenegs for their allies. When the Emperor heard this news, he sent to Igor’ his best boyars to entreat him to come no nearer, but rather to accept the tribute which Oleg had received, and to the amount of which something should even be added. He likewise sent palls and much gold to the Pechenegs.
  Now Igor’, when he came to the Danube, called together his retinue, and after some reflection communicated to them the Emperor’s offer. Igor’s retinue then replied, “If the Emperor speaks thus, what do we desire beyond receiving gold, silver, and palls without having to fight for them? Who knows who will be victorious, we or he? Who has the sea for his ally? For we are not marching by land, but through the depths of the sea. Death lies in wait for us all.” Igor’ heeded them, and bade the Pechenegs ravage Bulgaria. He himself, after receiving from the Greeks gold and palls sufficient for his whole army, returned again and came to Kiev in his native land.
  6453 (945). Romanus, Constantine, and Stephen sent envoys to Igor’ to renew the previous treaty, and Igor’ discussed the matter with them. Igor’ sent his own envoys to Romanus, and the Emperor called together his boyars and his dignitaries. The Russian envoys were introduced and bidden to speak, and it was commanded that the remarks of both parties should be inscribed upon parchment. A copy of the agreement concluded under the most Christian princes Romanus, Constantine, and Stephen follows:
  “We are the envoys from the Russian nation: Ivar, envoy of Igor’, Great Prince of Rus’, and the general envoys as follows: Vefast representing Svyatoslav, son of Igor’; Isgaut for the Princess Olga; Slothi for Igor’, nephew of Igor’; … : sent by Igor’ Great Prince of Rus’, and from each prince and all the people of the land of Rus’, by whom is ordained the renewal of the former peace to the confusion of the devil, who hates peace and loves discord, and to the establishment of concord between Greeks and Russes for many years to come.
[the treaty] … If any of the princes or any Russian subject, whether Christian or non-Christian, violates the terms of this instrument, he shall merit death by his own weapons, and be accursed of God and of Perun because he violated his oath. So be it good that the Great Prince Igor’ shall rightly maintain these friendly relations that they may never be interrupted, as long as the sun shines and the world endures henceforth and forever more.”
  The agents sent by Igor’ returned to him with the Greek envoys, and reported all the words of the Emperor Romanus. Then Igor’ called the Greek envoys before him, and bade them report what injunction the Emperor had laid upon them. The Emperor’s envoys replied, “The Emperor has sent us. He loves peace, and desires to maintain concord and amity with the Prince of Rus’. Your envoys have received the pledge of our Emperors, and they have sent us to receive your oath and that of your followers.” Igor’ promised to comply with their request.
  In the morning, Igor’ summoned the envoys, and went to a hill on which there was a statue of Perun. The Russes laid down their weapons, their shields, and their gold ornaments, and Igor’ and his people took oath (at least, such as were pagans), while the Christian Russes took oath in the church of St. Elias, which is above the creek, in the vicinity of the Pasÿncha square and the quarter of the Khazars. This was, in fact, a parish church, since many of the Varangians were Christians.
  Igor’ after confirming the treaty with the Greeks, dismissed their envoys, bestowing upon them furs, slaves, and wax, and sent them away. The envoys then returned to the Emperor, and reported all the words of Igor’ and his affection for the Greeks. Thus Igor’ began to rule in Kiev, enjoying peaceful relations with all nations. But when autumn came, he thought of the Derevlians, and wished to collect from them a still larger tribute.
  6453 (945). In this year, Igor’s retinue said to him, “The servants of Sveinald are adorned with weapons and fine raiment, but we are naked. Go forth with us, oh Prince, after tribute, that both you and we may profit thereby.” Igor’ heeded their words, and he attacked Dereva in search of tribute. He sought to increase the previous tribute and collected it by violence from the people with the assistance of his followers. After thus gathering the tribute, he returned to his city. On his homeward way, he said to his followers, after some reflection, “Go forward with the tribute, I shall turn back, and rejoin you later.” He dismissed his retainers on their journey homeward, but being desirous of still greater booty he returned on his tracks with a few of his followers.
  The Derevlians heard that he was again approaching, and consulted with Mal, their prince, saying, “If a wolf come among the sheep, he will take away the whole flock one by one, unless he be killed. If we do not thus kill him now, he will destroy us all.” They then sent forward to Igor’ inquiring why he had returned, since he had collected all the tribute. But Igor’ did not heed them, and the Derevlians came forth from the city of Iskorosten’ and slew Igor’ and his company, for the number of the latter was few. So Igor’ was buried, and his tomb is near the city of Iskorosten’ in Dereva even to this day.
  50. Practically all modern investigators consider Igor’s second expedition unhistorical, e.g. Shakhmatov, Razÿskaniya, p. 395: “Igor’s expedition of 944 after the attack of 941 appears clearly as invented to cover up the inglorious event of which the annalist learned from the continuator of Hamartolus.” So also Hrushevsky, Istoriya Ukrainÿ-Rusi, I (Kiev, 1913), p. 442-ff; and Laehr, op. cit. pp. 101-103. Vasiliev, however, Hist., p 322, accepts the chronicle account. In view of the terms of the treaty of 945, which makes no reference whatever to a war-like prelude, and the manifest effort of the annalist to place Igor’ on a par with his descendants as a match for the Greeks, the item of 944 is best regarded as an invention.   

Death: 945, killed while collecting tribute from the Drevlians, near the city of Iskorosten, Dereva, Kievan Rus

The Russian Primary Chronicle - Laurentian Text p78 (trans. Samuel Hazzard Cross, 1953)
  The Derevlians heard that he was again approaching, and consulted with Mal, their prince, saying, “If a wolf come among the sheep, he will take away the whole flock one by one, unless he be killed. If we do not thus kill him now, he will destroy us all.” They then sent forward to Igor’ inquiring why he had returned, since he had collected all the tribute. But Igor’ did not heed them, and the Derevlians came forth from the city of Iskorosten’ and slew Igor’ and his company, for the number of the latter was few. So Igor’ was buried, and his tomb is near the city of Iskorosten’ in Dereva even to this day.

Leonis Diaconi Caloënsis Historiae book 9 p106 (ed. Charles Benoît Hase, 1826)
Nec te oblitum existimo cladis patris tui Ingoris, qui cum, iuratas pactiones pro nihilo putans, ingenti apparatu magnaque lintrium vi infesta navigatione petiisset reginam urbium, ipse domesticae cladis nuncius factus, aegre cum naviculis decem ad Cimmerium Bosporum est reversus. Praetereo luctuosum eius interitum, cum bello Germanis illato ab ipsis captus est, ad arborumque truncos alligatus in duas partes discerptus.
This roughly translates as:
[John Augustus to Svyatoslav] Nor do I think you have forgotten the death of your father Ingor, who, considering sworn agreements as nothing, had sought the queen of cities with a vast array and a large force of ships by hostile navigation, when he himself became the messenger of a domestic disaster, he returned with difficulty with ten small boats to the Cimmerian Bosporus. I pass over his lamentable death, when he was captured by the Germans during the war, and tied to the trunks of trees, was torn in two.

Burial: in a tomb near the city of Iskorosten, Dereva, Kievan Rus

Sources:

Svyatoslav

Father: Igor
 
Mother: Olga

Married: Unknown
Svyatoslav's wife, and mother of Yarolpols and Oleg, is not named in The Russian Primary Chronicle. Some researchers have speculated that her name was Predslava and that she was the daughter of prince Tormas of Hungary.

Children: Concubine: Malusha

For Malusha's family, see p87 The Russian Primary Chronicle - Laurentian Text p251 (trans. Samuel Hazzard Cross, 1953)
113 Cf supra n 83 114 As stated by the Chronicle under 970 Vladimir was the son of Malusha sister of Dobrynya a distinguished boyar and stewardess of the princess Olga While Vladimir was characterized as a slave's son by Rogned in 975 this epithet is not to be taken seriously in view of Dobrynya's influential position Stender Petersen Die Varägersage p 15 thus identifies Malmfrid with Malusha supposing Vladimir to have been of pure Scandinavian ancestry

Children: Occupation: Prince of Kiev, from the death of his father between 944 and 946, when Sviatoslav was still a minor and his mother acted as regent, until his own death in 972.

Notes:
Sviatoslav I, the father of Vladimir the Great, was the last and greatest of the pagan "Viking" princes of the Rus'. Known as "the Brave," he was a nomadic warrior-king who spent his entire reign on horseback, expanding the borders of the Kievan Rus' to their greatest extent while stubbornly rejecting the Christian faith of his mother, princess Olga. Following his father’s assassination by the Drevlians, his mother ruled as regent. While Olga famously converted to Christianity and visited Constantinople, Sviatoslav remained a devoted follower of Perun, the god of thunder. The Russian Primary Chronicle describes him as a spartan figure: he traveled without tents or kettles, slept on a horse-blanket with a saddle for a pillow, and lived on strips of horsemeat seared on coals.
  Sviatoslav’s most significant military achievement was the total destruction of the Khazar Khaganate, a powerful empire that had dominated the steppes for centuries. By sacking the capital of Atil and the fortress of Sarkel, he opened the vast trade routes of the Volga river to the Rus'. This victory effectively removed a major buffer between the forest-dwellers of the North and the nomadic tribes of the East. Sviatoslav was so obsessed with conquest that he attempted to move his capital from Kyiv to Pereyaslavets on the Danube (in modern-day Bulgaria). This southward expansion brought him into direct conflict with the Byzantine Empire. The Byzantine emperor John Tzimiskes viewed Sviatoslav as a "northern barbarian" threat. After a brutal siege at Dorostolon in 971, Sviatoslav was forced to surrender his Balkan conquests and swear an oath to return to Kyiv. He never reached home. While he was navigating the Dnieper River rapids (the cataracts), he was ambushed by the Pechenegs. According to the chronicles, the Pecheneg prince Kurya killed Sviatoslav and had his skull fashioned into a ceremonial drinking cup, gilded with gold and inscribed with the words: "He who seeks the property of others often loses his own."
  Sviatoslav’s reign was a whirlwind of destruction that cleared the path for the future. By destroying the Khazars, he changed the map of Eurasia forever. However, his refusal to establish a stable administration left his sons to inherit a fractured empire in the midst of a bloody civil war.

The Russian Primary Chronicle - Laurentian Text pp78-80 (trans. Samuel Hazzard Cross, 1953)
  6453 (945). … the Derevlians came forth from the city of Iskorosten’ and slew Igor’ and his company
…  But Olga was in Kiev with her son the boy Svyatoslav. His tutor was Asmund, and the troop commander was Sveinald, the father of Mstikha. The Derevlians then said, “See, we have killed the Prince of Rus’. Let us take his wife Olga for our Prince Mal, and then we shall obtain possession of Svyatoslav, and work our will upon him.”
… 6454 (946). Olga together with her son Svyatoslav, gathered a large and valiant army, and proceeded to attack the land of the Derevlians. The latter came out to meet her troops, and when both forces were ready for combat, Svyatoslav cast his spear against the Derevlians. But the spear barely cleared the horse’s ears, and struck against his leg, for the prince was but a child. Then Sveinald and Asmund said, “The prince has already begun battle; press on, vassals, after the prince.” Thus they conquered the Derevlians, with the result that the latter fled, and shut themselves up in their cities.
  Olga hastened with her son to the city of Iskorosten’, for it was there that her husband had been slain, and they laid siege to the city.
pp83-86
  6456-6463 (948-955)
… Now Olga dwelt with her son Svyatoslav, and she urged him to be baptized, but he would not listen to her suggestion, though when any man wished to be baptized, he was not hindered, but only mocked.
… Olga remarked oftentimes, “My son, I have learned to know God, and am glad for it, If you know him, you too will rejoice.” But he did not heed her exhortation, answering, “How shall I alone accept another faith? My followers will laugh at that.” But his mother replied, “If you are converted, all your subjects will perforce follow your example,” Svyatoslav did not heed his mother, but followed heathen usages, for he did not know that whoever does not obey his mother shall come to distress.
… 6464-6472 (956-964). When Prince Svyatoslav had grown up and matured, he began to collect a numerous and valiant army. Stepping light as a leopard, he undertook many campaigns. Upon his expeditions he carried with him neither wagons nor kettles, and boiled no meat, but cut off small strips of horseflesh, game, or beef, and ate it after roasting it on the coals. Nor did he have a tent, but he spread out a horse-blanket under him, and set his saddle under his head; and all his retinue did likewise. He sent messengers to the other lands announcing his intention to attack them. He went to the Oka and the Volga, and on coming in contact with the Vyatichians, he inquired of them to whom they paid tribute. They made answer that they paid a silver-piece per ploughshare to the Khazars.
  6473 (965). Svyatoslav sallied forth against the Khazars. When they heard of his approach, they went out to meet him with their Prince, the Kagan, and the armies came to blows. When the battle thus took place, Svyatoslav defeated the Khazars and took their city of Bela Vezha. He also conquered the Yasians and the Kasogians.
  6474 (966). Svyatoslav conquered the Vyatichians and made them his tributaries.
  6475 (967). Svyatoslav marched to the Danube to attack the Bulgarians. When they fought together, Svyatoslav overcame the Bulgarians, and captured eighty towns along the Danube. He took up his residence there, and ruled in Pereyaslavets, receiving tribute from the Greeks.
  6476 (968). While Svyatoslav was at Pereyaslavets, the Pechenegs invaded Rus’ for the first time. So Olga shut herself up in the city of Kiev with her grandsons, Yaropolk, Oleg, and Vladimir.
… But the people of Kiev sent to Svyatoslav, saying, “Oh Prince, you visit and frequent foreign lands. But while you neglect your own country, the Pechenegs have all but taken us captive, along with your mother and your children as well. Unless you return to protect us, they will attack us again, if you have no pity on your native land, on your mother in her old age, and on your children.” When Svyatoslav heard these words, he quickly bestrode his charger, and returned to Kiev with his retinue. He kissed his mother and his children, and regretted what they had suffered at the hands of the Pechenegs. He therefore collected an army, and drove the Pechenegs out into the steppes. Thus there was peace.
  6477 (969). Svyatoslav announced to his mother and his boyars, “I do not care to remain in Kiev, but should prefer to live in Pereyaslavets on the Danube, since that is the centre of my realm, where all riches are concentrated; gold, silks, wine, and various fruits from Greece, silver and horses from Hungary and Bohemia, and from Rus’ furs, wax, honey, and slaves.” But Olga made reply, “You behold me in my weakness. Why do you desire to depart from me?” For she was already in precarious health. She thus remonstrated with him and begged him first to bury her and then to go wheresoever he would. Three days later Olga died. Her son wept for her with great mourning, as did likewise her grandsons and all the people.
pp87-90
  6478 (970). Svyatoslav set up Yaropolk in Kiev and Oleg in Dereva. At this time came the people of Novgorod asking for themselves a prince. “If you will not come to us,” said they, “then we will choose a prince of our own.” Svyatoslav replied that they had need of a prince, but Yaropolk and Oleg both refused, so that Dobrÿnya suggested that the post should be offered to Vladimir. For Vladimir was son of Malusha, stewardess of Olga and sister of Dobrÿnya. Their father was Malk of Lyubech and Dobrÿnya was thus Vladimir’s uncle. The citizens of Novgorod thus requested Svyatoslav to designate Vladimir to be their prince, and he went forth to Novgorod with Dobrÿnya, his uncle. But Svyatoslav departed thence to Pereyaslavets.
  6479 (971). Svyatoslav arrived before Pereyaslavets, and the Bulgarians fortified themselves in the city. They made one sally against Svyatoslav; there was great carnage, and the Bulgarians came off victors. But Svyatoslav cried to his soldiery, “Here is where we fall! Let us fight bravely, brothers and companions!” Toward evening, Svyatoslav finally gained the upper hand, and took the city by storm. He then sent messages to the Greeks, announcing his intention to march against them and capture their city, as he had taken Pereyaslavets. The Greeks replied that they were in no position to offer resistance, and therefore begged him to accept tribute instead for himself and his soldiery, requesting him to notify them how many Russes there were, so that they might pay so much per head. The Greeks made this proposition to deceive the Russes, for the Greeks are crafty even to the present day. Svyatoslav replied that his force numbered twenty thousand, adding ten thousand to the actual number, for there were really but ten thousand Russes. So the Greeks armed one hundred thousand men to attack Svyatoslav, and paid no tribute.
  Svyatoslav advanced against the Greeks, who came out to meet the Russes. When the Russes perceived their approach, they were terrified at the multitude of the Greek soldiery, and Svyatoslav remarked, “Now we have no place whither we may flee. Whether we will or no, we must give battle. Let us not disgrace Rus’, but rather sacrifice our lives, lest we be dishonored. For if we flee, we shall be disgraced. We must not take to flight, but we will resist boldly, and I will march before you. If my head falls, then look to yourselves.” Then his warriors replied, “Wherever your head falls, there we too will lay down our own.” So the Russes went into battle, and the carnage was great. Svyatoslav came out victor, but the Greeks fled. Then Svyatoslav advanced toward the capital fighting as he went, and destroying towns that stand deserted even to the present time.
  The Emperor summoned his boyars to the palace, and inquired what they should do, for they could not withstand Svyatoslav’s onslaught. The boyars advised that he should be tempted with gifts, to discover whether Svyatoslav liked gold and silks. So they sent to Svyatoslav gold and silks, carried by a clever envoy. To the latter they gave command to look well upon his eyes, his face, and his spirit. The envoy took the gifts, and went out to Svyatoslav. It was reported to the Prince that Greeks had come bringing greetings, and he ordered that they should be introduced. They then came near and greeted him, laying before him the gold and the silks. Svyatoslav, without noticing the presents, bade his servants keep them. So the envoys returned before the Emperor; and the Emperor summoned his boyars. Then the envoys reported that when they had come before Svyatoslav and offered their gifts, he had taken no notice of them, but had ordered them to be retained. Then another courtier said, “Try him a second time; send him arms.”
  This suggestion was adopted, and they sent to Svyatoslav a sword and other accoutrements which were duly brought before him. The Prince accepted these gifts, which he praised and admired, and returned his greetings to the Emperor. The envoys went back to the Emperor and reported what had occurred. Then the boyars remarked, “This man must be fierce, since he pays no heed to riches, but accepts arms. Submit to tribute.” The Emperor accordingly requested Svyatoslav to approach no nearer, but to accept tribute instead. For Svyatoslav had indeed almost reached Tsar’grad. So the Greeks paid him tribute, and he took also the share of those Russes who had been slain, promising that their families should receive it. He accepted many gifts besides and returned to Pereyaslavets with great acclaim.
  Upon observing the small number of his troops, Svyatoslav reflected that if haply the Greeks attacked him by surprise, they would kill his retinue and himself. For many warriors had perished on the expedition. So he resolved to return to Rus’ for reinforcements. He then sent envoys to the Emperor in Silistria (for the Emperor was then at that place) indicating his intention to maintain peaceful and friendly relations. When the Emperor heard this message, he rejoiced, and sent to Svyatoslav gifts even more valuable than the former ones. Svyatoslav accepted these gifts, and on taking counsel with his retinue declared, “If we do not make peace with the Emperor, and he discovers how few of us there are, the Greeks will come and besiege us in our city. Rus’ is far away, and the Pechenegs are hostile to us. So who will give us aid? Let us rather make peace with the Emperor, for the Greeks have offered tribute; let that suffice. But if the Emperor stops paying tribute, we shall once more collect troops in Rus’ in still greater numbers, and march again on Tsar’grad.” His speech pleased his followers, and they sent their chief men to the Emperor. The envoys arrived in Silistria, and reported to the Emperor. He summoned them before him on the following day, and gave them permission to state their errand. They then replied, “Thus says our Prince: ‘I desire to maintain true amity with the Greek Emperor henceforth and forever.’ ” The Emperor rejoiced, and commanded his scribe to set down on parchment the words of Svyatoslav. One envoy recited all his words, and the scribe wrote them down. He spoke as follows:
  “This is a copy of the treaty concluded by Svyatoslav, Prince of Rus’ and by Sveinald, with Johannes surnamed Tzimiskes, written down by Theophilus the secretary in Silistria during the month of July, in the year 6479 (971), the fourteenth of the indiction. I, Svyatoslav, Prince of Rus’, even as I previously swore, now confirm by oath upon this covenant that I desire to preserve peace and perfect amity with each of the great Emperors, and particularly with Basil and Constantine, and with their successors inspired of God, and with all their subjects. In this resolve concur all Russes under my sway, both boyars, and commons, forever. I will therefore contemplate no attack upon your territory, nor will I collect an army or foreign mercenaries for this purpose, nor will I incite any other foe against your realm or against any territory pertaining thereto, and particularly the district of Kherson, or the cities adjacent, or against Bulgaria. But if any foe plans to attack your realm, I will resist him and wage war upon him. And even as I have given oath to the Greek Emperors in company with my boyars and all my subjects, so may we preserve this treaty inviolate. But if we fail in the observance of any of the aforesaid stipulations, either I or my companions, or my subjects, may we be accursed of the god in whom we believe, namely of Perun and Volos, the god of flocks, and we become yellow as gold, and be slain with our own weapons. Regard as truth what we have now covenanted with you, even as it is inscribed upon this parchment and sealed with our seals.”
  After making peace with the Greeks, Svyatoslav journeyed by boat to the cataracts of the Dnieper, and the general, Sveinald, advised him to ride the falls on horseback, for the Pechenegs were encamped in the vicinity. The Prince did not heed him, but went on by boat. The people of Pereyaslavets informed the Pechenegs that Svyatoslav was returning to Rus’ after seizing from the Greeks great riches and im mense booty, but that his troop was small. When the Pechenegs heard this news, they ambuscaded the cataracts, so that when Svyatoslav arrived it was impossible to pass them. So the Prince decided to winter in Belobereg, but the Russes had no rations, so that there was a severe famine, and they paid as much as half a grivna for a horse’s head. But Svyatoslav wintered there nevertheless.
  When spring came in, 6480 (972), Svyatoslav approached the cataracts, where Kurya, Prince of the Pechenegs, attacked him; and Svyatoslav was killed. The nomads took his head, and made a cup out of his skull, overlaying it with gold, and they drank from it. But Sveinald returned to Yaropolk in Kiev. Now all the years of Svyatoslav’s reign were twenty eight. 


Leo the Deacon's account of Svyatoslav's actions against the Bulgarians in 871, and his subsequent defeat against the Byzantine empire.
Leonis Diaconi Caloënsis Historiae book 9 pp105-111 (ed. Charles Benoît Hase, 1826)
  10. Sphendoslabus, Bulgarica victoria elatus, et barbara audacia magnos spiritus sumens (iam enim firme regionem tenebat), cum timidos Bulgaros attonitosque insita crudelitate reddidisset (nam, cum Philippopolim bello cepisset, hominum millia viginti in oppido comprehensorum crudeliter more barbaro palis suffixisse dicitur, sicque, quoscunque ad illum diem restitissent, vehementer perculsos in deditionem accepisse), superba et audacia responsa legatis Romanorum dedit: „Nunquam fore, ut regione fertili se abstineret, nisi post grandis pecuniae pensionem, factaque redemtione oppidorum et captivorum, quotquot bello cepissent. Quam si pecuniam Romani pendere nollent, quin decederent illico ex Europa, in quam ius haberent nullum, in Asiam transirent: non aliter sese putare, Russos cum Romanis pacem facturos.” Ioannes Augustus ubi a Scytha hoc responsum tulerat, per remissos legatos haec renunciat: „Pacem iam usque a patrum tempore ad nos perductam, quamque inconcussam interventu suo Deus conservavit, minime a nobis arbitramur dissolvi debere: quod credimus providentiam esse cuncta administrantem, quodque Christianorum statuta profitemur. Quare suademus vobis ut amicis, et hortamur, e provincia neutiquam ad vos pertinente statim abeatis, sine ulla mora aut recusatione, persuasissimum habentes, salutari huic consilio si minus vos obsequentes exhibueritis, non nos, sed vosmetipsos, turbare pacem antiquitus confectam. Neque arrogantius hoc nos responsum reddere putandum est. Nam in Christo Deo immortali futurum esse confidimus, uti, nisi sponte ex regione decedatis, vel inviti inde a nobis eiiciamini. Nec te oblitum existimo cladis patris tui Ingoris, qui cum, iuratas pactiones pro nihilo putans, ingenti apparatu magnaque lintrium vi infesta navigatione petiisset reginam urbium, ipse domesticae cladis nuncius factus, aegre cum naviculis decem ad Cimmerium Bosporum est reversus. Praetereo luctuosum eius interitum, cum bello Germanis illato ab ipsis captus est, ad arborumque truncos alligatus in duas partes discerptus. Neque teipsum, si Romanam armaturam contra te proficisci coëgeris, domum reversurum esse reor, sed in illa ipsa regione una cum omnibus copiis deletum iri adeo, ut ne una quidem ignifera navis in Scythiam sit elapsura, quae diros casus vestros nunciet.” Sphendoslabus, stomachatus tali responso, barbaricoque furore atque insania abreptus, ita respondit: „Nullam equidem necessitatem video Imperatorem Romanorum cogentem, ut ad nos veniat; quapropter ne defatigetur, in hanc terram proficiscens: namque ipsi mox ad Byzantii portas collocabimus tabernacula, munito vallo urbem cingemus, ipsum erumpentem, si pergit tantae aerumnae obniti, fortiter excipiemus, factisque ipsis docebimus, non ex faece sellulariorum manibusque victitantium nos esse, sed viros sanguinis, armis hostes debellantes; si quidem iste per imprudentiam ex mulierculis per umbracula latitantibus Russicum robur existimat, utque lactentes pueros larvis nescio quibus, huiusmodi nos minis terrere tentet.”
  11. Imperator, cum illius tam vesanum responsum auribus accepisset, intellexit, non cunctandum esse, sed summo studio omnia ad bellum paranda, ut illius invasionem praeveniret, eique aditum praecluderet ad reginam urbium. Statim turma generosorum adolescentium eligitur: hos immortales nominat: ad latus sibi praesto esse iubet … Russi, novo hoc portentosoque ictu territi ululatu sublato solutis ordinibus fugae sese mandant. Quos persecuti Romani ad serum usque crepusculum sine misericordia ceciderunt. Fama est, hoc praelio e Romanis mortuos esse milites quinque et quinquaginta, sauciatos quam multos, equorum plerosque confossos: Scytharum plus viginti millia periisse. Hunc finem habuit Romanorum cum Russis tunc commissa pugna.
This roughly translates as:
10. Sviatoslav, elated by his Bulgarian victory and assuming great spirits with barbarian audacity (for he now held the region firmly), since he had reduced the timid and astonished Bulgarians with his innate cruelty (for it is said that when he had captured Philippopolis in war, he cruelly impaled twenty thousand men captured in the town in the barbarian manner, and thus accepted the surrender of those who had resisted up to that day, being vehemently struck with terror), gave haughty and audacious responses to the legates of the Romans: “Never would it be that he would abstain from the fertile region unless after a payment of a great sum of money, and the redemption of the towns and captives, as many as they had captured in war. If the Romans were unwilling to pay this money, they should depart immediately from Europe, in which they had no right, and cross over into Asia: not otherwise did he think the Russians would make peace with the Romans.” When John Augustus had received this response from the Scythian [Sviatoslav], he sent back this message through the returning legates: “We think that the peace which has been brought down to us from the time of our fathers, and which God has preserved unshaken by his intervention, ought by no means to be dissolved by us: because we believe it is Providence that administers all things, and because we profess the statutes of Christians. Therefore, we advise you as friends, and we exhort you, that you depart immediately from the province that in no way belongs to you, without any delay or refusal, being most fully persuaded that if you show yourselves less compliant with this salutary counsel, it is not we, but you yourselves, who disturb the ancient peace. Nor should we think that we are giving this reply more arrogantly. For we trust in Christ God that it will be so, that unless you voluntarily depart from the region, or are unwillingly expelled from it by us. Nor do I think you have forgotten the death of your father Ingor, who, considering sworn agreements as nothing, had sought the queen of cities with a vast array and a large force of ships by hostile navigation, when he himself became the messenger of a domestic disaster, he returned with difficulty with ten small boats to the Cimmerian Bosporus. I pass over his lamentable death, when he was captured by the Germans during the war, and tied to the trunks of trees, was torn in two. Nor do I think that you yourself, if you force the Roman army to march against you, will return home, but that you will be destroyed in that very region together with all your forces, so that not even a single fiery ship will escape to Scythia, which will announce your dire fate.” Sphendoslabus, disgusted by such an answer, and carried away by barbaric fury and madness, replied thus: “I see no necessity compelling the Emperor of the Romans to come to us; therefore, lest he should be weary, setting out for this land: for we ourselves will soon pitch our tents at the gates of Byzantium, surround the city with a fortified rampart, and if he breaks out, if he continues to resist such hardship, we will bravely receive him, and by our deeds we will teach him that we are not the dregs of sedentary people and the hands of conquerors, but men of blood, fighting the enemy with arms; if indeed he imprudently thinks that Russian strength comes from little women hiding in the shadows, and tries to terrify us with threats of this kind, such as those of the infant boys, with masks of I know not what kind.”
  11. The Emperor, when he had heard his so mad answer, understood that he should not hesitate, but should prepare everything for war with the utmost diligence, in order to prevent his invasion and prevent his access to the queen of cities. Immediately a group of noble youths is chosen: he names them immortals: he orders them to be ready at his side
… [the battle] The Russians, terrified by this new and portentous blow, howling and breaking ranks, give themselves up to flight. The Romans, pursuing them until late at nightfall, fell without mercy. It is said that in this battle fifty-five Roman soldiers died, many were wounded, and most of the horses were stabbed: more than twenty thousand Scythians perished. This was the end of the battle that the Romans then engaged in with the Russians.

Leo the Deacon's first hand account of the meeting between Sviatoslav and the emperor John Tzimiskes includes and interesting physical description of Sviatoslav.
Leonis Diaconi Caloënsis Historiae book 9 pp156-7 (ed. Charles Benoît Hase, 1826)
Foedere firmato, Sphendosthlabus in Imperatoris colloquium ut venire liceret postulavit. Non respuit is conditionem: armatura inaurata tectus, ad ripam Istri adequitavit, catervam innumerabilem equitum auro armisque nitentium adducens. Contra Sphendosthlabus processerat in navicula Scythica flumen devectus, remo se applicans, et ipse cum caeteris lintrem propellens, ut unus de multis. Specie autem erat huiusmodi: statura iusta, neque praeter modum in altum expressa, neque in nimiam brevitatem contracta: superciliis spissis, oculis caesiis, naso simo, barba rara, praeter labrum superius, densis et in longitudinem promissis capillis bene pilosum. Capite item erat admodum glaber; nisi quod ad utrumque latus cincinnus dependebat, nobilitatem generis declarans, cervicibus firmis, pectore lato, caeteris quoque membris aequalis sane et congruens; tristitiam nihilominus feritatemque aliquam ore repraesentabat. Ex altera auricula aurea dependebat ei inauris, duabus margaritis ornata, carbunculo intermedio illis interiecto. Veste erat candida, nulla alia re nisi munditia a caeteris differente. Sic pauca de pace, transtro naviculae insidens, cum Imperatore collocutus, ad suos se recepit. Bellum quod a Romanis cum Scythis gestum est, hunc finem habuit.
  12. Sphendosthlabus, Dorystolo relicto captivisque insuper ex foedere redditis, cum copiis quae supererant naves solvit, inque patriam cursum habere coepit. Enaviganti Patzinacae insidias posuerunt, gens pastoralis, frequens, pediculivora, domiporta, in carris plerumque victitans. Hi cum Scythas fere omnes occiderunt, tum ipsum quoque oppresserunt Sphendosthlabum una cum caeteris, ut ex tanto Russorum exercitu admodum pauci domum incolumes pervenirent.
This roughly translates as:
Once the treaty was confirmed, Sviatoslav requested permission to come for a conference with the Emperor. He [the Emperor] did not reject the condition: covered in gilded armor, he rode to the bank of the Ister [Danube], leading an innumerable troop of horsemen shining with gold and arms.
Painting of Svyatoslav by Klavdy Lebedev
Svyatoslav's meeting with Emperor John, painted by Klavdy Lebedev based on the description by Leo the Deacon
image posted on wikipedia
On the other side, Sviatoslav advanced, carried down the river in a Scythian boat, applying himself to an oar and propelling the vessel along with the others, just like one of the many. His appearance was of this kind: of moderate height, neither excessively tall nor contracted into too much shortness; with thick eyebrows, blue eyes, a flat nose, and a sparse beard, except for the upper lip, which was well-covered with thick hair allowed to grow to a great length. His head was likewise quite bald, except that on each side a lock of hair hung down, declaring the nobility of his race; his neck was firm, his chest broad, and his other limbs were indeed well-proportioned and fitting; nevertheless, his face represented a certain gloom and ferocity. From one ear hung a golden earring, adorned with two pearls with a carbuncle [ruby] placed between them. His clothing was white, differing from the others in no other way except for its cleanliness. Sitting thus on the rowing bench of the boat, he spoke briefly with the Emperor about peace and then returned to his own people. The war which was waged by the Romans [Byzantines] with the Scythians [Rus'] had this end.
  12. Sviatoslav, having left Dorystolon and returned the prisoners according to the treaty, set sail with the forces that remained and began his journey to his homeland. As he sailed, the Patzinaks [Pechenegs], a pastoral people, numerous, lice-eating, carrying their homes with them, and living mostly in wagons, laid an ambush. These people killed almost all the Scythians and also overwhelmed Sviatoslav himself along with the rest, so that from such a great army of Russians, very few reached home safely.

This excerpt from De Administrando Imperio ("On Administering the Empire"), written in Greek by 10th-century Byzantine Emperor Constantine VII Porphyrogenitus, is about trade in monoxyla (dugout canoes), but serves to document Sviatoslav's father.
Constantine Porphyrogenitus De Administrando Imperio p57 (trans. Romilly Jenkins, 1967)
The ‘monoxyla’ which come down from outer Russia to Constantinople are from Novgorod, where Sviatoslav, son of Igor, prince of Russia, had his seat, and others from the city of Smolensk and from Teliutza and Chernigov and from Vyshegrad.

Death: 972 in the Dnieper Rapids, Kievan Rus', killed in an ambush

The Russian Primary Chronicle - Laurentian Text p90 (trans. Samuel Hazzard Cross, 1953)
When spring came in, 6480 (972), Svyatoslav approached the cataracts, where Kurya, Prince of the Pechenegs, attacked him; and Svyatoslav was killed. The nomads took his head, and made a cup out of his skull, overlaying it with gold, and they drank from it. But Sveinald returned to Yaropolk in Kiev. Now all the years of Svyatoslav’s reign were twenty eight.

Sources:

Vladimir I

Coin of Vladimir I
 Reverse of a silver srebrenik with an image of Volodymir I, now held in the Odesa Numismatics Museum. He is crowned in the Byzantine style, holding a cross-mounted staff in one hand and a trident in the other.
photograph by Влад Федченко posted on wikipedia
Statue of Vladimir I in Novgorod
Statue of Vladimir I on the Monument "Millennuim of Russia" in Veliky Novgorod
photograph by Дар Ветер posted on wikipedia
Father: Svyatoslav
 
Mother: Malusha

For Malusha's family, see p87 The Russian Primary Chronicle - Laurentian Text p251 (trans. Samuel Hazzard Cross, 1953)
113 Cf supra n 83 114 As stated by the Chronicle under 970 Vladimir was the son of Malusha sister of Dobrynya a distinguished boyar and stewardess of the princess Olga While Vladimir was characterized as a slave's son by Rogned in 975 this epithet is not to be taken seriously in view of Dobrynya's influential position Stender Petersen Die Varägersage p 15 thus identifies Malmfrid with Malusha supposing Vladimir to have been of pure Scandinavian ancestry

Married (1st): Rogned

Rogned was daughter of Rogvolod in Polotsk. see Russian Primary Chronicle - Laurentian Text p91. See also p242 note 75, and p124 for her death

The Russian Primary Chronicle - Laurentian Text p94 (trans. Samuel Hazzard Cross, 1953)
[Vladimir's] lawful wife was Rogned whom he settled on the Lÿbed’, where the village of Predslavino now stands. By her he had four sons: Izyaslav, Mstislav, Yaroslav, and Vsevolod, and two daughters.

Children: Married (2nd): Anna of Byzantium

Anna death see see Russian Primary Chronicle - Laurentian Text p124

Although he had no children with Anna, Vladimir had a number of other children with other women. The Russian Primary Chronicle - Laurentian Text p94 states that he "had three hundred concubines at Vÿshgorod, three hundred at Belgorod, and two hundred at Berestovo" and names additional children by some of his mistresses including the Greek widow of his brother Yaropolk whom he had murdered - "The Greek woman bore him Svyatopolk: by one Czech he had a son Vÿsheslav; by another, Svyatoslav and Mstislav; and by a Bulgarian woman, Boris and Gleb."

Children: Occupation: Prince of Novgorod from 970 and Grand Prince of Kiev from 978 until his death in 1015. The Catholic Church and the Eastern Orthodox Church both canonised him as Saint Vladimir.

Notes:
Ukrainian banknote featuring Vladimir I
Ukrainian 1-hryvnia banknote featuring Vladimir I
image posted on wikipedia
  Vladimir I, known to history as Vladimir the Great, was the foundational architect of the Kievan Rus'. He transformed a loose collection of warring pagan tribes into a unified Christian state, effectively bridging the cultural gap between the Byzantine East and the Latin West. Vladimir was the youngest son of Sviatoslav I and a "servant girl" named Malusha. Because of his low-born mother, he was initially seen as an underdog. Following his father’s death, a brutal civil war broke out between Vladimir and his older brothers, Oleg and Yaropolk. Forced to flee to Scandinavia, Vladimir returned with a massive Varangian (Viking) mercenary army. By 980, he had defeated his brothers and consolidated power in Kyiv, becoming the sole Grand Princes. In his early reign, Vladimir was a staunch defender of Slavic paganism. He famously erected a pantheon of idols on a hill in Kyiv, dominated by a silver-headed statue of Perun, the god of thunder. Chronicles from this period paint him as a fierce warrior with an "immense" appetite for concubines and conquest. The most famous legend of Vladimir’s life is his "Testing of the Faiths." Dissatisfied with paganism, he reportedly sent envoys to examine Islam, Judaism, and Western and Eastern Christianity. His envoys were overwhelmed by the beauty of the Hagia Sophia in Constantinople, claiming they "did not know if they were in heaven or on earth." Vladimir demanded the hand of Anna Porphyrogenita, sister of the Byzantine Emperor Basil II. To marry the princess, Vladimir agreed to be baptized. Following his baptism in Chersonesus, Vladimir returned to Kyiv and ordered the dramatic destruction of the idols he had once built. He initiated the Christianization of Kyiv by ordering the population into the Dnieper River for mass baptism. He dedicated a tenth of his revenue to building the first stone church in Kyiv, the Desyatynna Church. He abolished the death penalty for a time (replacing it with fines) and established schools and charitable institutions, a radical shift from his "warrior" days. Vladimir died in 1015 at his residence in Berestovo. His death sparked another power struggle among his many sons, but the Christian foundation he laid remained. He was buried in a marble sarcophagus in the Church of the Tithes, and he is venerated as Isapostolos ("Equal to the Apostles") for his role in bringing the Rus' into the Christian world.

The Russian Primary Chronicle - Laurentian Text p85 (trans. Samuel Hazzard Cross, 1953)
  6476 (968). While Svyatoslav was at Pereyaslavets, the Pechenegs invaded Rus’ for the first time. So Olga shut herself up in the city of Kiev with her grandsons, Yaropolk, Oleg, and Vladimir.69 The nomads besieged the city with a great force. They surrounded it with an innumerable multitude, so that it was impossible to escape or send messages from the city, and the inhabitants were weak from hunger and thirst.
… Then their general, Pretich by name, announced, “Tomorrow we shall approach by boat, and after rescuing the Princess and the young Princes, we shall fetch them over to this side. If we do not bring this to pass, Svyatoslav will put us to death.” When it was morning, they embarked before dawn in their boats, and blew loudly on their trumpets. The people within the city raised a shout, so that the Pechenegs thought the Prince himself had returned, and accordingly fled from the city in various directions. Thus Olga went forth with her grandsons and her followers to the boats.
  69. Vladimir, as the son of Malusha, Olga’s stewardess, was not a son of the same mother with Yaropolk and Oleg, and there is a good possibility that Malusha was also Scandinavian; Stender-Petersen, Die Varägersage, pp. 14-16; cf infra, n. 114.
p87
  6478 (970). Svyatoslav set up Yaropolk in Kiev and Oleg in Dereva. At this time came the people of Novgorod asking for themselves a prince. “If you will not come to us,” said they, “then we will choose a prince of our own.” Svyatoslav replied that they had need of a prince, but Yaropolk and Oleg both refused, so that Dobrÿnya suggested that the post should be offered to Vladimir. For Vladimir was son of Malusha, stewardess of Olga and sister of Dobrÿnya. Their father was Malk of Lyubech and Dobrÿnya was thus Vladimir’s uncle. The citizens of Novgorod thus requested Svyatoslav to designate Vladimir to be their prince, and he went forth to Novgorod with Dobrÿnya, his uncle.
pp91-96
  6484-6485 (976-977). … When Vladimir in Novgorod heard that Yaropolk had killed Oleg, he was afraid, and fled abroad. Then Yaropolk sent his lieutenants to Novgorod and was thus the sole ruler in Rus’.
  6486-6488 (978-980). Vladimir returned to Novgorod with Varangian allies, and instructed the lieutenants of Yaropolk to return to the latter and inform him that Vladimir was advancing against him prepared to fight. He remained in Novgorod, and sent word to Rogvolod in Polotsk that he desired his daughter to wife. Rogvolod inquired of his daughter whether she wished to marry Vladimir. “I will not,” she replied, “draw off the boots of a slave’s son, but I want Yaropolk instead.” Now Rogvolod had come from overseas, and exercised the authority in Polotsk just as Turÿ, from whom the Turovians get their name, had done in Turov. The servants of Vladimir returned and reported to him all the words of Rogned, the daughter of Rogvolod, Prince of Polotsk. Vladimir then collected a large army, consisting of Varangians, Slavs, Chuds, and Krivichians, and marched against Rogvolod. At this time the intention was that Rogned should marry Yaropolk, But Vladimir attacked Polotsk, killed Rogvolod and his two sons, and after marrying the prince’s daughter, he proceeded against Yaropolk.
  Vladimir came to Kiev with a large force. Yaropolk could not resist him, but shut himself up in Kiev with his people and with Blud. Vladimir came to a halt at Dorogozhich, and entrenched himself between there and Kapich; his earthwork is there to this day. Vladimir then sent treacherous proposals to Blud, Yaropolk’s general, saying, “Be my friend; if I kill my brother, I will regard you as my father, and you shall have much honor from me. It was not I who began to fight with my brother, but he, and I was for that reason overcome by fear, and therefore have come out against him.” Blud replied to the messengers of Vladimir that he would join with him in sincere friendship.
… Blud shut himself up with Yaropolk with the intention of betraying him, and he sent frequent messages to Vladimir, urging him to storm the city while he himself planned how he might kill Yaropolk. But on account of the citizens, it was not possible to kill him. So Blud, not being able to destroy him thus, contrived it by means of a ruse, while he urged the prince not to go forth from the city to fight. Thus he craftily suggested to Yaropolk that the people of Kiev were sending messages to invite Vladimir to attack the town so that they might be tray Yaropolk into his hands, and advised him to flee from the city. Yaropolk heeded his suggestion, and he fled from Vladimir. He then shut himself up in the city of Rodnya at the mouth of the Ros’, while Vladimir entered the city of Kiev, and then laid siege to Yaropolk at Rodnya. There was a great famine there, and we have to this day a proverb which speaks of famine as in Rodnya.
  Blud then said to Yaropolk, “Do you see what a large force your brother has? We cannot overcome them. Make peace with your brother.” He spoke thus as he plotted treachery against him. But Yaropolk assented. Blud then sent world to Vladimir that he would bring Yaropolk before him, in accordance with his wishes. Vladimir, upon hearing these tidings, went to his father’s castle with the hall, of which we previously made mention, and settled there with his retinue. Blud next induced Yaropolk to appear before his brother and express his readiness to accept any terms he might offer. Yaropolk thus went in person to Vladimir, though he had been previously warned by Varyazhko not to go. “My Prince,” said he, “they will kill you. Flee rather to the Pechenegs and collect an army.” But the prince heeded him not. Yaropolk came accordingly before Vladimir, and when he entered the door, two Varangians stabbed him in the breast with their swords, while Blud shut the doors and would not allow his men to follow him. Thus Yaropolk was slain. When Varayazhko saw that Yaropolk was murdered, he fled from the castle to the Pechenegs, in whose company he fought long against Vladimir till the latter won him over only with difficulty by means of a sworn pledge.
  Now Vladimir had intercourse with his brother’s wife, a Greek woman, and she became pregnant and from her was born Svyatopolk. From a sinful root evil fruit is produced, inasmuch as his mother had been a nun, and besides Vladimir had intercourse with her without having married her. Svyatopolk was therefore born in adultery, and for this reason his father did not love him; for he had two fathers, Yaropolk and Vladimir.
…  Vladimir then began to reign alone in Kiev, and he set up idols on the hills outside the castle with the hall: one of Perun, made of wood with a head of silver and a mustache of gold, and others of Khors, Dazh’bog, Stribog, Simar’gl, and Mokosh. The people sacrificed to them, calling them gods, and brought their sons and their daughters to sacrifice them to these devils. They desecrated the earth with their offerings, and the land of Rus’ and this hill were defiled with blood. But our gracious God desires not the death of sinners, and upon this hill now stands a church dedicated to St. Basil, as we shall later narrate.
  But let us return to our subject.
  Vladimir had appointed his uncle Dobrÿnya to rule over Novgorod. When Dobrÿnya came to Novgorod, he set up an idol beside the river Volkhov, and the people of Novgorod offered sacrifice to it as if to God himself. Now Vladimir was overcome by lust for women. His lawful wife was Rogned, whom he settled on the Lÿbedÿ, where the village of Predslavino now stands. By her he had four sons: Izyaslav, Mstislav, Yaroslav, and Vsevolod, and two daughters. The Greek woman bore him Svyatopolk: by one Czech he had a son Vÿsheslav; by another, Svyatoslav and Mstislav; and by a Bulgarian woman, Boris and Gleb. He had three hundred concubines at Vÿshgorod, three hundred at Belgorod, and two hundred at Berestovo in a village still called Berestovoe. He was insatiable in vice. He even seduced married women and violated young girls, for he was a libertine like Solomon.
…  6489 (981). Vladimir marched upon the Lyakhs and took their cities: Peremÿshl, Cherven, and other towns, all of which are subject to Rus’ even to this day. In the same year, he conquered the Vyatichians, and imposed upon them tribute according to the number of their ploughs, just as his father had done.
  6490 (982). The Vyatichians went to war, but Vladimir attacked them and conquered them a second time.
  6491 (983). Vladimir marched on the Yatvingians, conquered them and seized their territory. He returned to Kiev, and together with his people made sacrifice to the idols. The elders and the boyars then proposed that they should cast lots for a youth and a maiden, and sacrifice to the gods whomsoever the lot should fall upon.
…  6492 (984). Vladimir attacked the Radimichians. His general was named Wolf’s Tail, and Vladimir sent him on ahead. He met the Radimichians by the river Pishchan’, and overcame them. Therefore the Russes ridiculed the Radimichians, saying that the men on the Pishchan’ fled in the presence of a wolf’s tail. Now the Radimichians belong to the race of the Lyakhs. They had come and settled in these regions, and pay tribute to the Russes, an obligation which they maintain to the present day.
  6493 (985). Accompanied by his uncle Dobrÿnya, Vladimir set out by boat to attack the Bulgars. He also brought Torks overland on horseback, and conquered the Bulgars. Dobrÿnya remarked to Vladimir, “I have seen the prisoners, who all wear boots. They will not pay us tribute. Let us rather look for foes with bast shoes.” So Vladimir made peace with the Bulgars, and they confirmed it by oath. The Bulgars declared, “May peace prevail between us till stone floats and straw sinks.” Then Vladimir returned to Kiev.
pp111-113
  After a year had passed, in 6496 (988), Vladimir proceeded with an armed force against Kherson, a Greek city, and the people of Kherson barricaded themselves therein.94
… He gave orders straightway to dig down above the pipes, and the water supply was thus cut off. The inhabitants were accordingly overcome by thirst and surrendered.
  Vladimir and his retinue entered the city, and he sent messages to the Emperors Basil and Constantine, saying, “Behold, I have captured your glorious city. I have also heard that you have an unwedded sister. Unless you give her to me to wife, I shall deal with your own city as I have with Kherson.” When the Emperors heard this message they were troubled, and replied, “It is not meet for Christians to give in marriage to pagans. If you are baptized, you shall have her to wife, inherit the kingdom of God, and be our companion in the faith, Unless you do so, however, we cannot give you our sister in marriage.” When Vladimir learned their response, he directed the envoys of the Emperors to report to the latter that he was willing to accept baptism, having already given some study to their religion, and that the Greek faith and ritual, as described by the emissaries sent to examine it, had pleased him well. When the Emperors heard this report, they rejoiced, and persuaded their sister Anna to consent to the match. They then requested Vladimir to submit to baptism before they should send their sister to him, but Vladimir desired that the Princess should herself bring priests to baptize him. The Emperors complied with his request, and sent forth their sister, accompanied by some dignitaries and priests. Anna, however, departed with reluctance. “It is as if I were setting out into captivity,” she lamented; “better were it for me to die at home.” But her brothers protested, “Through your agency God turns the land of Rus’ to repentance, and you will relieve Greece from the danger of grievous war. Do you not see how much harm the Russes have already brought upon the Greeks? If you do not set out, they may bring on us the same misfortunes.” It was thus that they overcame her hesitation only with great difficulty. The Princess embarked upon a ship, and after tearfully embracing her kinfolk, she set forth across the sea and arrived at Kherson. The natives came forth to greet her, and conducted her into the ctiy, where they settled her in the palace.
  By divine agency, Vladimir was suffering at that moment from a disease of the eyes, and could see nothing, being in great distress. The Princess declared to him that if he desired to be relieved of this disease, he should be baptized with all speed, otherwise it could not be cured. When Vladimir heard her message, he said, “If this proves true, then of a surety is the God of the Christians great,” and gave order that he should be baptized. The Bishop of Kherson, together with the Princess’s priests, after announcing the tidings, baptized Vladimir, and as the Bishop laid his hand upon him, he straightway received his sight. Upon experiencing this miraculous cure, Vladimir glorified God, saying, “I have now perceived the one true God.” When his followers beheld this miracle, many of them were also baptized.
  Vladimir was baptized in the Church of St. Basil, which stands at Kherson upon a square in the center of the city where the Khersonians trade. The palace of Vladimir stands beside this church to this day, and the palace of the Princess is behind the altar. After his baptism Vladimir took the Princess in marriage. Those who do not know the truth say he was baptized in Kiev, while others assert this event took place in Vasil’ev, while still others mention other places.
  94. Kherson (Gk. Chersonesus; Old R. Korsun’), on the Crimean coast facing north at a point some three kilometers west of modern Sebastopol, and founded as colony of Heraclea Pontica (hence Dorian) about the fifth century B.C.
pp116-117
As a wedding present for the Princess, he gave Kherson over to the Greeks again, and then departed for Kiev.
  When the Prince arrived at his capital, he directed that the idols should be overthrown, and that some should be cut to pieces and others burned with fire. He thus ordered that Perun should be bound to a horse’s tail and dragged down Borichev to the stream.
…  Thereafter Vladimir sent heralds throughout the whole city to proclaim that if any inhabitants, rich or poor, did not betake himself to the river, he would risk the Prince’s displeasure. When the people heard these words, they wept for joy, and exclaimed in their enthusiasm, “If this were not good, the Prince and his boyars would not have accepted it.” On the morrow, the Prince went forth to the Dnieper with the priests of the Princess and those from Kherson, and a countless multitude assembled. They all went into the water: some stood up to their necks, others to their breasts, and the younger near the bank, some of them holding children in their arms, while the adults waded farther out. The priests stood by and offered prayers.
… he ordained that wooden churches should be built and established where pagan idols had previously stood. He thus founded the Church of St. Basil on the hill where the idol of Perun and the other images had been set, and where the Prince and the people had offered their sacrifices. He began to found churches and to assign priests throughout the cities, and to invite the people to accept baptism in all the cities and towns.
p119
  Vladimir was enlightened, and his sons and his country with him. For he had twelve sons: Vÿsheslav, Izyaslav, Yaroslav, Svyatopolk, Vsevolod, Svyatoslav, Mstislav, Boris, Gleb, Stanislav, Pozvizd, and Sudislav. He set Vÿsheslav in Novgorod, Izyaslav in Polotsk, Svyatopolk in Turov, and Yaroslav in Rostov. When Vÿsheslav, the oldest, died in Novgorod, he set Yaroslav over Novgorod, Boris over Rostov, Gleb over Murom, Svyatoslav over Dereva, Vsevolod over Vladimir, and Mstislav over Tmutorakan. Then Vladimir reflected that it was not good that there were so few towns round about Kiev, so he founded forts on the Desna, the Oster’, the Trubezh, the Sula, and the Stugna. He gathered together the best men of the Slavs, and Krivichians, the Chuds, and the Vyatichians, and peopled these forts with them. For he was at war with the Pechenegs, and when he fought with them he often overcame them.
  6497 (989). After these events, Vladimir lived in the Christian faith. With the intention of building a church dedicated to the Holy Virgin, he sent and imported artisans from Greece. After he had begun to build, and the structure was completed, he adorned it with images, and entrusted it to Anastasius of Kherson. He appointed Khersonian priests to serve in it, and bestowed upon this church all the images, vessels, and crosses which he had taken in that city.
  6499 (991). Vladimir founded the city of Belgorod, and peopled it from other towns, bringing to it many settlers. For he was extremely fond of this city.
p124
  6520-6522 (1012-1014). When Yaroslav was in Novgorod, he paid two thousand grivnÿ a year as tribute to Kiev, and another thousand was given to his garrison in Novgorod. All the lieutenants of Novgorod had always paid like sums, but Yaroslav ceased to render this amount to his father. Then Vladimir exclaimed, “Repair roads and build bridges,” for he proposed to attack his son Yaroslav, but he fell ill.
  6523 (1015). While Vladimir was desirous of attacking Yaroslav, the latter sent overseas and imported Varangian reinforcements, since he feared his father’s advance. But God will not give the devil any satisfaction. For when Vladimir fell ill, Boris was with him at the time. Since the Pechenegs were attacking the Russes, he sent Boris out against them, for he himself was very sick, and of this illness he died on July 15. Now he died at Berestovo, but his death was kept secret, for Svyatopolk was in Kiev. But at night his companions took up the flooring between two rooms, and after wrapping the body in a rug, they let it down to the earth with ropes, After they had placed it upon a sledge, they took it away and laid it in the Church of the Virgin that Vladimir himself had built.
  When the people heard of this, they assembled in multitude and mourned him, the boyars as the defender of their country, the poor as their protector and benefactor. They placed him in a marble coffin, and buried the body of the sainted Prince amid their mourning.

Thietmari Chronicon Liber VII in Monumenta Germaniæ Historica SS 3 p859 (ed. G. H. Pertz, 1851)
  52. Amplius progrediar disputando, regisque Ruscorum Wlodemiri accionem, iniqnam perstringendo. Hic a Grecia ducens uxorem, Helenam nomine, tertio Ottoni desponsatam, sed ei fraudulenta calliditate subtractam, christianitatis sanctae fidem eius ortatu suscepit, quam iustis operibus non ornavit. Erat enim fornicator immensus et crudelis, magnamque vim Danais mollibus ingessit. Hic tres habens filios, uni eorum Bolizlavi ducis nostrique persecutoris filiam in matrimonium duxit, cum qua missus est a Polenis Reinbernus, presul Salsae Cholbergiensis.
This roughly translates as:
  52. I shall proceed further in my discourse, briefly touching upon the wicked action of the king of the Rus, Vladimir. This man, taking a wife from Greece [Byzantium], Helena by name, who had been betrothed to Otto III but was withdrawn from him by fraudulent cunning, received at her urging the faith of holy Christianity, which he did not adorn with just works. For he was an immense and cruel fornicator, and he inflicted great violence upon the soft Greeks. This man, having three sons, gave the daughter of the duke Bolesław, our persecutor, in marriage to one of them; with her was sent by the Poles Reinbern, prelate of Salz-Kolberg.

The Encyclopaedia Britannica 11th edition vol 28 p168 (ed. Hugh Chisholm, 1911)
  VLADIMIR, ST (c. 956-1015), grand duke of Kiev and of all Russia, was the youngest son of Svyatoslav I. and his mistress Malushka. In 970 he received Great Novgorod as his apanage. On the death of Svyatoslav in 972, a long civil war took place between his sons Yaropolk and Oleg, in which Vladimir was involved. From 977 to 984 he was in Scandinavia, collecting as many of the viking warriors as he could to assist him to recover Novgorod, and on his return marched against Yaropolk. On his way to Kiev he sent ambassadors to Ragvald, prince of Polotsk, to sue for the hand of his daughter Ragnilda. The haughty princess refused to affiance herself to “the son of a bondswoman,” but Vladimir attacked Polotsk, slew Ragvald, and took Ragnilda by force. Subsequently (980) he captured Kiev also, slew Yaropolk by treachery, and was proclaimed prince of all Russia. In 981 he conquered the Chervensk cities, the modern Galicia; in 983 he subdued the heathen Yatvyags, whose territories lay between Lithuania and Poland; in 985  he led a fleet along the central rivers of Russia to conquer the Bulgarians of the Kama, planting numerous fortresses and colonies on his way. At this time Vladimir was a thoroughgoing pagan. He increased the number of the trebishcha, or heathen temples; offered up Christians (Theodore and Ivan, the proto-martyrs of the Russian Church) on his altars; had eight hundred concubines, besides numerous wives; and spent his whole leisure in feasting and hunting. He also formed a great council out of his boyars, and set his twelve sons over his subject principalities. In the year 987, as the result of a consultation with his boyars, Vladimir sent envoys to study the religions of the various neighbouring nations whose representatives had been urging him to embrace their respective faiths. The result is amusingly described by the chronicler Nestor. Of the Mussulman Bulgarians of the Volga the envoys reported “there is no gladness among them; only sorrow and a great stench; their religion is not a good one.” In the temples of the Germans they saw “no beauty”; but at Constantinople, where the full festival ritual of the Orthodox Church was set in motion to impress them, they found their ideal. “We no longer knew whether we were in heaven or on earth, nor such beauty, and we know not how to tell of it.” If Vladimir was impressed by this account of his envoys, he was yet more so by the offer of the emperor Basil II. to give him his sister Anna in marriage. In 988 he was baptized at Kherson in the Crimea, taking the Christian name of Basil out of compliment to his imperial brother-in-law; the sacrament was followed by his marriage with the Roman princess. Returning to Kiev in triumph, he converted his people to the new faith with no apparent difficulty. Crypto-Christians had been numerous in Kiev for some time before the public recognition of the Orthodox faith. The remainder of the reign of Vladimir was devoted to good works. He founded numerous churches, including the splendid Desyatinnuy Sobor or “Cathedral of the Tithes” (989), established schools, protected the poor and introduced ecclesiastical courts. With his neighbours he lived at peace, the incursions of the savage Petchenegs alone disturbing his tranquillity. His nephew Svyatpolk, son of his brother and victim Yaropolk, he married to the daughter of Boleslaus of Poland. He died at Berestova, near Kiev, while on his way to chastise the insolence of his son, Prince Yaroslav of Novgorod. The various parts of his dismembered body were distributed among his numerous sacred foundations and were venerated as relics. The university of Kiev has rightly been named after the man who both civilized and Christianized ancient Russia. His memory was also kept alive by innumerable folk ballads and legends. With him the Varangian period of Russian history ceases and the Christian period begins.
  See Memorials (Rus.) published by the Commission for the examination of ancient documents (Kiev, 1881, &c.); I. Komanin and M. Istomin, Collection of Historical Materials (Rus.) (Kiev, 1890, &c.); O. Partitsky, Scandinavianism in Ancient Russia (Rus.) (Lemberg, 1897); A. Lappo-Danilevsky, Scythian Antiquities (Rus.) (Petersburg, 1887); J. Macquart, Osteuropäische u. ostasiatische Streifzüge (Leipzig, 1903); L. C. Goetz, Das Kiever Höhlenkloster als Kulturzentrum des vormongolischen Russlands (Passau, 1904).     (R. N. B.)

Butler’s Lives of the saints vol 3 pp110-111 (ed. Herbert Thurston, 1962)
 July 15.
    ST VLADIMIR OF KIEV (A.D. 1015)
The earliest saints of Russia, princes and monks, were connected with Kiev in the south-west, “the God-protected mother of Russian cities”, now the capital of what we call The Ukraine and in those days centre of a principality whose Finnish-SIav people were ruled by princes of Scandinavian origin, Varangians, who as pirates and traders had penetrated into Russia by its waterways. During the last quarter of the tenth century the grand-prince of Kiev was Vladimir, a man not only reared in idolatry but one who freely indulged in the barbarous excesses that were available to one in his position: he was brutal and bloodthirsty, and a contemporary Arabian chronicler, ibn-Foslan, comments on his five wives and numerous female slaves, which supports the statement of the Chronicle of Nestor that Vladimir’s “desire for women was too much for him”. The circumstances of this prince’s conversion to Christianity have been and still are much debated, but converted he was, probably in the year 989, when he was about thirty-two; and he then received in marriage Anne, daughter of the emperor Basil II at Constantinople—the two events were closely connected. And the conversion of the Russian people is dated from then.
  The fact that pious writers have attributed perfect purity of motive to Vladimir, when undoubtedly he was moved in great measure by the prospect of political and economic advantages from an alliance with the Byzantines and the Christian Church, must not be allowed to obscure that, once having accepted Christianity, he is said to have been wholehearted in his adherence to it. He put away his former wives and mistresses and amended his life; he had idols publicly thrown down and destroyed; and he supported the Greek missionaries with energy and enthusiasm—indeed, with an excess of energy, for at times he did not stop short of “conversion” by force: to refuse baptism was to incur penalties. But quite apart from that sort of thing, the speed with which the Russians became Christian has been much exaggerated, and during the reign of Vladimir the new religion probably did not penetrate far beyond the Kievan nobility and wealthy merchants. Nor was its subsequent spreading so fast as has been represented: paganism gave ground but slowly. Nevertheless he was revered in after years not only because he was a sinner who repented but because he brought about the reconciliation of the Russian people with God, he was the Apostle of Russia, chosen from on high for that end.
  “The Devil was overcome by fools and madmen”, says the Chronicle of Nestor, and emphasizes that St Vladimir received God’s grace and forgiveness, while “many righteous and godly men strayed from the path of uprightness and perished”. And it would seem that his repentance and understanding of his new obligations were of that simple, straightforward kind which will forever remain at the heart of the most developed and complex Christianity: “When he had in a moment of passion fallen into sin he at once sought to make up for it by penitence and almsgiving”, says a chronicler. It is said that he even had scruples whether, now that he was a Christian, he was entitled to punish robbers or even murderers by putting them to death. Such ideas astonished the sophisticated Greek ecclesiastics, who appealed to examples in the Old Testament and Roman history to show that punishment of the wicked was the duty of a Christian prince. But Vladimir seems to have been only half convinced.
  The circumstances of Vladimir’s conversion brought his people within the Byzantine patriarchate, but he was not particularist. He exchanged ambassadors with the apostolic court of Rome; he helped the German bishop St Boniface (Bruno) of Querfurt in his mission to the Pechenegs; and he even borrowed certain canonical features from the West, notably the institution of tithes, which were unknown to the Byzantines. Not till the Mongol invasions was Christian Russia cut off from the West.
  St Vladimir died in 1015, after, as is said, giving away all his personal belongings to his friends and to the poor. His feast is solemnly celebrated by the Russians, Ukrainians and others.
  The original Russian sources are indicated in some detail in the bibliography of vol. iv of the Cambridge Medieval History, pp. 819-821. The Chronicle of Nestor has been translated by S. H. Cross, The Russian Primary Chronicle (1930). See N. de Baumgarten, Orientalia Christiana, vol. xxiv, no. i, 1931 (Olaf Tryggwison …) and vol. xxvii, no. i, 1932 (St Vladimir …); G. Fedotov, “Le baptême de St. Vladimir …” in Irénikon, t. xv (1938), pp. 417 seq,; M. Jugie, “Les origines romaines de l’Église russe” in Échos d’Orient, no. 187 (1937). Summaries in Fliche and Martin, Histoire de l’Église, vol. vii, pp. 444-451, and DTC., s.v. Russie. For Christians before Vladimir, see also M. de Taube, Rome et la Russie …, vol. i (1947). And see F. Dvornik, The Making of Central and Eastern Europe (1949), pp. 170 seq.

Death: 15 July 1015 in Berestovo, Kievan Rus'

Buried: Desyatynna Church (also called the church of the Holy Virgin or the church of Tithes), Kiev, Kievan Rus'
 
The Russian Primary Chronicle - Laurentian Text p124 (trans. Samuel Hazzard Cross, 1953)
  6523 (1015). … For when Vladimir fell ill, Boris was with him at the time. Since the Pechenegs were attacking the Russes, he sent Boris out against them, for he himself was very sick, and of this illness he died on July 15. Now he died at Berestovo, but his death was kept secret, for Svyatopolk was in Kiev. But at night his companions took up the flooring between two rooms, and after wrapping the body in a rug, they let it down to the earth with ropes, After they had placed it upon a sledge, they took it away and laid it in the Church of the Virgin that Vladimir himself had built.
  When the people heard of this, they assembled in multitude and mourned him, the boyars as the defender of their country, the poor as their protector and benefactor. They placed him in a marble coffin, and buried the body of the sainted Prince amid their mourning

The Desyatynna Church was destroyed in a Mongol invasion in 1240, burying Vladimir’s marble tomb under mounds of rubble. In 1635, the Metropolitan of Kyiv, Peter Mohyla, excavated the ruins. He claimed to have found two sarcophagi: one elieved to be that of Princess Anna and the other containing the remains of Vladimir. Only his head and the right hand were found in the grave and what happened to the rest of the body remained a mystery. Later the head of the prince was placed in the main temple of the Kiev Pechersk Lavra, and his hand in the Kiev Sophia Cathedral and other parts are in the Assumption Cathedral in Moscow. However, modern researchers question the authenticity of these relics.

Sources:

Yaroslav I "the Wise"

Facial reconstruction of Yaroslav the Wise made by Mikhail Gerasimov
Facial reconstruction of Yaroslav the Wise made by Mikhail Gerasimov using a mould of the now-lost skull, 1940
image posted on wikipedia
Father: Vladimir I
 
Mother: Rogned

The Russian Primary Chronicle - Laurentian Text p94 (trans. Samuel Hazzard Cross, 1953)
[Vladimir's] lawful wife was Rogned whom he settled on the Lÿbed’, where the village of Predslavino now stands. By her he had four sons: Izyaslav, Mstislav, Yaroslav, and Vsevolod, and two daughters.

Married: Ingegerd, Princess of Sweden

See The Russian Primary Chronicle - Laurentian Text p139 (trans. Samuel Hazzard Cross, 1953) for Ingegerd's death in 1048-50

Children: Occupation: Grand Prince of Kiev from 1016-1018, and from 1018 until his death in 1054. He was previously prince of Rostov from 988 to 1010 and then prince of Novgorod from 1010 until 1034.

Notes:
  Yaroslav I, better known as Yaroslav the Wise (c. 978–1054), was the Grand Prince of Kyiv during the "Golden Age" of Kyivan Rus'. He is remembered as a brilliant diplomat, a pioneer of law, and a prolific builder who transformed Kyiv into one of Europe’s most magnificent cities. Yaroslav was one of the many sons of Volodymyr the Great (the ruler who Christianized Rus'). After his father's death in 1015, a bloody fratricidal war broke out. Yaroslav, then ruling from Novgorod, eventually defeated his brother Svyatopolk "the Accursed" to take the throne in Kyiv in 1019. Among his achievements were that he codified the Russkaya Pravda, the first formal legal system for the East Slavic people. It replaced blood feuds with financial fines and established a structured social order. To rival the beauty of Constantinople, Yaroslav built the Saint Sophia Cathedral in Kyiv and the Golden Gate, which served as the city's main ceremonial entrance. He was a scholar who spoke several languages, established the first library in Kievan Rus' and promoted the translation of Greek religious texts into Old Church Slavonic.
 
Ukrainian banknote featuring Yaroslav the Wise
Ukrainian 2-hryvnia banknote featuring Yaroslav the Wise
image posted on wikipedia
Yaroslav used strategic marriages to cement alliances with powerful European dynasties. His daughters and sons married into the royal houses of France, Hungary, Norway, and Byzantium. His daughter Anna of Kyiv famously became the queen of France. Yaroslav died in 1054 and was buried in a white marble sarcophagus in Saint Sophia Cathedral. He left behind a prosperous, literate, and powerful state. Today, his image appears on the Ukrainian 2-hryvnia bill, and he remains a foundational figure in the national histories of both Ukraine and Russia.

The Russian Primary Chronicle - Laurentian Text p119 (trans. Samuel Hazzard Cross, 1953)
  Vladimir was enlightened, and his sons and his country with him. For he had twelve sons: Vÿsheslav, Izyaslav, Yaroslav, Svyatopolk, Vsevolod, Svyatoslav, Mstislav, Boris, Gleb, Stanislav, Pozvizd, and Sudislav. He set Vÿsheslav in Novgorod, Izyaslav in Polotsk, Svyatopolk in Turov, and Yaroslav in Rostov. When Vÿsheslav, the oldest, died in Novgorod, he set Yaroslav over Novgorod, Boris over Rostov, Gleb over Murom, Svyatoslav over Dereva, Vsevolod over Vladimir, and Mstislav over Tmutorakan.
p124
  6520-6522 (1012-1014). When Yaroslav was in Novgorod, he paid two thousand grivnÿ a year as tribute to Kiev, and another thousand was given to his garrison in Novgorod. All the lieutenants of Novgorod had always paid like sums, but Yaroslav ceased to render this amount to his father. Then Vladimir exclaimed, “Repair roads and build bridges,” for he proposed to attack his son Yaroslav, but he fell ill.
  6523 (1015). While Vladimir was desirous of attacking Yaroslav, the latter sent overseas and imported Varangian reinforcements, since he feared his father’s advance.
pp130-133
  While Yaroslav had not yet heard of his father’s death, he had many Varangians under his command, and they offered violence to the inhabitants of Novgorod and to their wives. The men of Novgorod then rose and killed the Varangians in their market place. Yaroslav was angry, and departing to Rakom, he took up his abode in the castle. Then he sent messengers to Novgorod with the comment that the death of his retainers was beyond remedy, but at the same time he summoned before him the chief men of the city who had massacred the Varangians, and craftily killed them. The same night news came from Kiev sent by his sister Predslava to the effect that his father was dead, that Svyatopolk had settled in Kiev after killing Boris, and was now endeavoring to compass the death of Gleb, and she warned Yaroslav to be exceedingly on his guard against Svyatopolk. When Yaroslav heard these tidings, he grieved for his father and his retainers.
  On the morrow he collected the remnant of the men of Novgorod and regretfully lamented, “Alas for my beloved retainers, whom I yesterday caused to be killed! You would indeed be useful in the present crisis.” He wiped away his tears, and informed his subjects in the assembly that his father was dead, and that Svyatopolk had settled in Kiev after killing his brethren. Then the men of Novgorod said, “We can still fight for you, oh Prince, even though our brethren are slain.” So Yaroslav collected one thousand Varangians and forty thousand other soldiers, and marched against Svyatopolk. He called on God as his witness and protested, “It was not I who began to kill our brethren, but Svyatopolk himself. May God be the avenger of the blood of my brothers inasmuch as Svyatopolk, despite their innocence, has shed the just blood of Boris and Gleb. Perhaps he will even visit the same fate upon me. But judge me, oh Lord, according to the right, that the malice of the sinful may end.” So he marched against Svyatopolk. When Svyatopolk learned that Yaroslav was on his way, he prepared an innumerable army of Russes and Pechenegs, and marched out toward Lyubech on one side of the Dnieper, while Yaroslav was on the opposite bank.
  6524 (1016). The beginning of the principate of Yaroslav at Kiev. Yaroslav arrived and the brothers stood over against each other on both banks on the Dnieper, but neither party dared attack. They remained thus face to face for three months. Then Svyatopolk’s general rode out along the shore and scoffed at the men of Novgorod, shouting, “Why did you come hither with this crooked-shanks129, you carpenters? We shall put you to work on our houses.” When the men of Novgorod heard this taunt, they declared to Yaroslav, “Tomorrow we will cross over to them, and whoever will not go with us we will kill.” Now it was already beginning to freeze. Svyatopolk was stationed between two lakes, and caroused with his fellows the whole night through. Yaroslav on the morrow marshaled his troops, and crossed over toward dawn. His forces disembarked on the shore, and pushed the boats out from the bank. The two armies advanced to the attack, and met upon the field. The carnage was terrible. Because of the lake the Pechenegs could bring no aid, and Yaroslav’s troops drove Svyatopolk with his followers toward it. When the latter went out upon the ice, it broke under them, and Yaroslav began to win the upper hand. Svyatopolk then fled among the Lyakhs, while Yaroslav established himself in Kiev upon the throne of his father and his grandfather. Yaroslav had then been in Novgorod twenty eight years.
  6525 (1017). Yaroslav took up his abode in Kiev, and in the same year the churches were burned.
  6526 (1018). Boleslav attacked Yaroslav with Svyatopolk and his Lyakhs. After collecting Russes, Varangians, and Slavs, Yaroslav marched forth against Boleslav and Svyatopolk, and upon arriving at Volyn’, they camped on either side of the river Bug. Now Yaroslav had with him his guardian and general, Budÿ by name. He scoffed at Boleslav, remarking, “We shall pierce your fat belly with a pike.” For Boleslav was big and heavy, so that he could scarcely sit a horse, but he was crafty, So Boleslav said to his retainers, “If you do not avenge this insult, I will perish alone,” and leaping upon his horse, he rode into the river and his retainers after him, while Yaroslav had no time to align his troops, so that Boleslav vanquished him.
  Then Yaroslav fled with four men to Novgorod, and Boleslav entered Kiev in company with Svyatopolk. Boleslav ordered that his force should be dispersed to forage throughout the cities, and so it was done. When Yaroslav arrived at Novgorod in his flight, he planned to escape overseas, but the lieutenant Constantine, son of Dobrÿnya, together with the men of Novgorod, destroyed his boat, protesting that they wished to fight once more against Boleslav and Svyatopolk. They set out to gather funds at the rate of four kunÿ per commoner, ten grivnÿ from each elder, and eighteen grivnÿ from each boyar.
  With these funds they recruited Varangians whom they imported, and thus collected for Yaroslav a large army.
  While Boleslav was settled in Kiev, the impious Svyatopolk ordered that any Lyakhs found in the city should be killed, and so the Lyakhs were slain. Then Boleslav fled from Kiev, taking with him the property and the boyars of Yaroslav, as well as the latter’s two sisters, and made Anastasius steward of the property, for the latter had won his confidence by his flattery. He took with him a large company, and having appropriated to himself the cities of Cherven, he returned to his native land. Svyatopolk thus reigned alone in Kiev, but Yaroslav attacked him again, and Svyatopolk fled among the Pechenegs.
  6527 (1019). Svyatopolk advanced with a large force of Pecheneg supporters, and Yaroslav collected a multitude of soldiery, and went forth against him to the Al’ta River. Yaroslav halted at the site where Boris had been slain and, lifting up his hands to heaven, exclaimed, “The blood of my brother cries aloud to thee, oh Lord. Avenge the blood of this just man. Visit upon this criminal the sorrow and terror that thou didst inflict upon Cain to avenge the blood of Abel.” Then he prayed and said, “My brethren, although ye be absent in the body, yet help me with your prayer against this persumptuous assassin.” When he had thus spoken, the two armies attacked, and the plain of the Al’ta was covered with the multitudinous soldiery of both forces. It was then Friday. As the sun rose, they met in battle, and the carnage was terrible, such as had never before occurred in Rus’. The soldiers fought hand to hand and slaughtered each other. Three times they clashed, so that the blood flowed in the valley. Toward evening Yaroslav conquered, and Svyatopolk fled.
  129 The “crooked-shanks” was Yaroslav himself, who, according to tradition had been lame from birth (PSRL., II, 1st ed., 258)
p137
  6545 (1037). Yaroslav built the great citadel at Kiev, near which stands the Golden Gate. He founded also the metropolitan Church of St. Sophia, the Church of the Annunciation over the Golden Gate, and also the Monastery of St. George and the convent of St. Irene. During his reign, the Christian faith was fruitful and multiplied, while the number of monks increased, and new monasteries came into being. Yaroslav loved religious establishments and was devoted to priests, especially to monks. He applied himself to books, and read them continually day and night He assembled many scribes, and translated from Greek into Slavic. He wrote and collected many books through which true believers are instructed and enjoy religious education.

Anne de Russie, reine de France p23 (Le Vicomte de Caiz de Saint Aymour, 1896)
  Anne … était fille de Iaroslav Vladimirovitch, grand-duc ou plutôt grand-prince (velikii kniaz) des Ruthènes ou Russes, qu’un historien appelle le Charlemagne de la Russie, et dont les exploits contre Boleslas, roi ou duc de Pologne, avaient porté le nom jusqu’aux confins de l’Occident. Son aïeul, Vladimir le Grand, s’était élevé à un haut degré de puissance, et, en introduisant le christianisme parmi ses peuples, en 988, il leur avait fait prendre place au milieu des nations civilisées. Sa mère, Ingegerde, était la fille d’Olaüs, roi de Norwège, surnommé Skotkonung.
This roughly translates as:
  Anne... was the daughter of Yaroslav Vladimirovich, grand-duke or rather grand-prince (velikii kniaz) of the Ruthenians or Russians, whom one historian calls the Charlemagne of Russia, and whose exploits against Bolesław, king or duke of Poland, had carried his name to the far reaches of the West. Her grandfather, Vladimir the Great, had risen to a high degree of power, and, by introducing Christianity among his people in 988, he had enabled them to take their place among the civilized nations. Her mother, Ingegerd, was the daughter of Olaf, king of Norway, nicknamed "King of the Scots".

Death: 19 February 1054 in Vÿshgorod, Kievan Rus', aged 76

Sarcophagus of Yaroslov "the Wise"
The sarcophagus of Yaroslov "the Wise" in Saint Sophia Cathedral, Kiev
photograph by Brendan Hoffman for the Wall Street Journal
Buried: St. Sophia Cathedral, Kiev, Kievan Rus'
 
The Russian Primary Chronicle - Laurentian Text pp142-143 (trans. Samuel Hazzard Cross, 1953)
  6562 (1054). Yaroslav, Great Prince of Rus’, passed away. While he was yet alive, he admonished his sons with these words: “My sons, I am about to quit this world. Love one another, since ye are brothers by one father and mother. If ye abide in amity with one another, God will dwell among you, and will subject your enemies to you, and ye will live at peace. But if ye dwell in envy and dissension, quarreling with one another, then ye will perish yourselves and bring to ruin the land of your ancestors, which they won at the price of great effort. Wherefore remain rather at peace, brother heeding brother. The throne of Kiev I bequeath to my eldest son, your brother Izyaslav. Heed him as ye have heeded me, that he may take my place among you. To Svyatoslav I give Chernigov, to Vsevolod Pereyaslavl’, to Igor’ the city of Vladimir, and to Vyacheslav Smolensk.” Thus he divided the cities among them, commanding them not to violate one another’s boundaries, not to despoil one another. He laid upon Izyaslav the injunction to aid the party wronged, in case one brother should attack another. Thus he admonished his sons to dwell in amity.
  Being unwell, he came to Vÿshgorod, and there fell seriously ill. Izyaslav at the moment was in Novgorod, Svyatoslav at Vladimir, and Vsevolod with his father, for he was beloved of his father before all his brethren, and Yaroslav kept him constantly by his side. The end of Yaroslav’s life drew near, and he gave up the ghost on the first Saturday after the feast of St. Theodore [February 19]. Vsevolod bore his father’s body away, and laying it upon a sled, he brought it to Kiev, while priests sang the customary hymns, and the people mourned for him. When they had transported the body, they laid it in a marble sarcophagus in the Church of St. Sophia, and Vsevolod and all his subjects mourned him. All the years of his age were seventy-six.

Yaroslav's sarcophagus was opened in 1936 and found to contain the skeletal remains of Yaroslav and an unidentified, possibly that of Ingegerd. The sarcophagus was again opened in 1939 and the remains removed for research, not being documented as returned until 1964. In 2009, the sarcophagus was opened again and found to contain only one skeleton, that of a female. It seems the documents detailing the 1964 re-interment of the remains were falsified to hide the fact that Yaroslav's remains had been lost. Subsequent questioning of individuals involved in the research and re-interment of the remains seems to point to the idea that Yaroslav's remains were purposely hidden prior to the German occupation of Ukraine and then either lost completely or stolen and transported to the United States, where many suspect they are hidden at the Holy Trinity Russian Orthodox Church in Brooklyn, New York.

Sources:

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